The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. 12

by Unknown

When I saw the journal of the 28th of last month, I was surprised to find that the report of the honorable committee appointed to confer with me relative to my continuance in office, did not contain those ideas, which I had endeavored to convey. I immediately wrote a note to the chairman mentioning "that the committee had misapprehended the conference on my part." When the conversation passed, I had no expectation of seeing it introduced into the report, or I should certainly have asked permission to deliver my sentiments in writing.

I am placed, Sir, in a very painful situation and must therefore entreat your indulgent interpretation of what I am compelled to say. I had the honor of two conferences with the committee, and in the mornings after those conferences, respectively, made short minutes of what had passed. It is my custom to make such minutes with respect to most of my transactions, and as they were originally intended merely to aid my own memory, they are not very minute or particular. Those to which I now refer are contained in the following words;

April 22d, 1783. "The honorable Mr Osgood, Mr Bland, Mr Peters, Mr Madison, and Mr Hamilton, a committee of Congress appointed to confer with me respecting my continuance in office. I told them that a letter from Mr Grand, gave a new complexion to our affairs in Europe, and that a frigate being just arrived in a short passage from France I expect further advices, which I am desirous of seeing before I enter into this conference. I stated the difficulty of fulfilling engagements, and the danger of taking any new ones."

April 24th, 1783. "The committee of Congress called this morning, in consequence of Mr G. Morris having told Mr Osgood, that he imagined I was ready for a conference with them. I told the committee that my mind had been constantly occupied on the subject, from the time they first called until the present moment. That I see and feel the necessity and propriety of dismissing the army among their fellow citizens, satisfied and contented; that I dread the consequences of sending them into civil life, with murmurs and complaints in their mouths; and that no man can be better disposed than I am to satisfy the army, or more desirous of serving our country, but that my own affairs call loudly for my care and attention. However, having already engaged in this business, and willing to oblige Congress if they think my assistance essential, I will consent to remain in office for the purpose of such payment to the army, as may be agreed on as necessary to disband them with their own consent, &c. But prayed of Congress to excuse me from even this service if they can accomplish their views in such other way as they may approve."

These, Sir, are exact copies of my minutes on the subject, and although they were hastily drawn, yet I can safely appeal to the committee to declare, whether they do not contain what really passed, and also whether I did not (in reply to a question put to me by one of the members) say, that I expected, if Congress should ask me to continue in office, they would confine their request to the effecting that particular object of satisfying the army, and would distinguish it from anything, which might be construed into an approbation of their plan for funding the public debts.

I hope, Sir, that Congress will excuse me for picturing the situation I was in, and the feelings which arose out of it. By the Act of the 7th of February, 1781, it was declared to be the duty of the Superintendent of Finance, "to digest and report plans for improving and regulating the finances." Congress well know, that I have from time to time attempted the performance of this duty, and they know also, that such plans have not met with their approbation. The clear inference is, what I have already declared both previously and subsequently to my appointment, that my abilities are unequal to the task I am called to perform. If, therefore, Congress would at any time have made a new appointment, I should have considered it as the greatest favor. But since they saw fit to continue me in office, I prepared the best plans which I could devise, and finding they were not agreeable to the ideas of Congress, I waited for the adoption of such as might be suggested from some other quarter, or originated among themselves. I patiently, but anxiously waited until the 24th of January last; but then a clear view of those circumstances, which have since followed, compelled me to request they would appoint some other man to be the Superintendent of their Finances, if effectual measures were not taken by the end of May, to make permanent provision for the public debts of every kind. On the 26th of February, finding that no successor was yet appointed, and that the plans of Congress were not yet completed, I requested leave to give due and seasonable information of my removal to those who had confided in me. By this means I became pledged to the world, not to continue in office after the end of May, unless such measures as I conceived to be effectual, should be taken before that period, to provide for the public debts. On the 7th of March, I received the report of a committee on the finances, with orders to transmit my observations. These are contained in a letter of the 8th. On the 9th day of April, (no plan being yet adopted) a committee called on me to know, whether three months' pay could be advanced to the army. I stated to them the incapacity of the public treasury to complete in any short period the one month's pay already promised, as also the great anticipations made on the public revenue. And on the 14th, in a letter recapitulating the hazardous situation of things, I informed them that I believed the object they had in view was practicable by means of a large paper anticipation. On the 18th the plan was adopted for funding the public debts.

It was under these circumstances, Sir, that I held the conferences now immediately in question. It was my most earnest desire to be dismissed from office, and I stood pledged for it to the public. But a circumstance of peculiar nature, which had not been foreseen, now presented itself. That army to whom we were indebted for our national existence was to be disbanded, either in extreme misery, or with some little relief. Every principle of justice and gratitude called loudly to administer it; but this could not be done without entering into engagements beyond our resources. The dictates of prudence would, indeed, have determined me to adhere inflexibly to the resolution expressed in my letter of the 24th of January. By so doing I hazarded nothing. And as far as my own reputation was concerned, I could have placed it in security. For I must be permitted to say, that if solid arrangements had been taken to establish national credit, four times the required sum might have been easily obtained. No evils, therefore, had arisen, which I had not predicted, and none which it was possible for me to guard against.

But, Sir, my conduct was not influenced either by personal or prudential motives. A sense of the situation to which Congress were reduced, an earnest desire to support their dignity and authority, a grateful regard to our fellow citizens in arms, mingled with respect for their sufferings and virtues. These sentiments, Sir, decided my opinion. I agreed for your sakes and for theirs to enter into a labyrinth, of which I did not then, nor do I now see the termination.

But I could not do this, except under conditions and limitations. The conditions were, that Congress should ask my continuance, and pledge themselves for my support; the limitations, that the objects of my continuance should be accurately expressed, and that it should be confined to the fulfilment of such engagements, as those objects might require. These terms were expressed to the committee, and I am sure they will do me the justice to acknowledge that they were so. Whether they were reasonable, and whether they have been complied with, form questions of some importance.

It may be suggested, that asking my continuance would derogate from the dignity of Congress. How far this observation is founded, will appear from a resolution of the 21st of December last. It was not a new thing to make such requests, nor was the practice obsolete, yet I should not have desired anything more particular on this subject than has been done in the Act of the 28th of April, although far short of what other persons have received. But surely it will be admitted, that I had a right to expect Congress would pledge themselves for my support when I entered into such deep engagements for theirs. Whether the limitation of my continuance in the manner just mentioned was proper, will appear from considering whether it consisted with the dignity of Congress to procure my tacit approbation of their system for funding the public debts; a system widely different from ideas, which I had expressed on a variety of occasions, and in the most pointed manner. Surely, Sir, it was not kind to place me in a situation where I must appear either to refuse the performance of an important public service, or to break the most solemn engagements and contradict the most express declarations. I might dwell much on this question, but the delicacy of Congress will render it unnecessary.