I believe that informations are transmitted hence to the Court, which they ought not to rely on. Their servants doubtless do their duty in transmitting such information, but I am persuaded that they are themselves not well informed. Indeed it is quite natural, that men should mistake when they examine and treat of a subject with which they are unacquainted. And it cannot well be supposed, that political characters are competent to decide on the advantages and disadvantages of allowing to, or withholding from us, a share in the carrying trade. On this subject I will make a further observation, and you may rely on it, that I speak to you with candor and sincerity, not with a view to making any impressions on the Court. You may communicate or withhold what I say, and they may or may not, apply it to their own purposes. If anything will totally ruin the commerce of England with this country, it is her blind attachment to her navigation act. This act which never was the real foundation of her naval superiority, may and perhaps will be the cause of its destruction. If France possesses commercial wisdom, she will take care not to imitate the conduct of her rival.
The West India Islands can be supplied twenty per cent cheaper in American than in French or British bottoms. I will not trouble you with the reasons, but you may rely on the fact. The price of the produce of any country must materially depend on the cheapness of subsistence. The price at which that produce can be vended abroad must depend on the facility of conveyance. Now admitting for a moment (which by the by is not true) that France might, by something like a British navigation act, increase her ships and her seamen; these things would necessarily follow. 1st. Her Islands would be less wealthy, and therefore less able to consume and pay for her manufactures. 2dly. The produce of those Islands would be less cheap, and therefore less able to sustain the weight of duties, and support a competition in foreign markets. 3dly. The commerce with this country would be greatly lessened, because that every American ship, which finds herself in a French, English, or other port, will naturally seek a freight there, rather than go elsewhere to look for it; because in many commodities the difference of price in different parts will not compensate the time and cost of going from place to place to look after them. To these principal reasons might be added many others of less weight, though not of little influence, such as the probable increase of commercial intercourse, by increasing the connexions and acquaintances of individuals. To this and to everything else which can be said on the subject by an American, I know there is one short answer always ready, viz. that we seek to increase our own wealth. So far from denying that this is among my motives, I place it as the foremost, and setting aside that gratitude which I feel for France, I do not scruple to declare, that a regard to the interests of America is, with respect to all nations of the world, my political compass. But the different nations of Europe should consider, that in proportion to the wealth of this country will be her ability to pay for those commodities, which all of them are pressing us to buy.
Our people still continue as remiss as ever in the payment of taxes. Much of this, as you justly observe, arises from the difficulties of collection. But those difficulties are much owing to an ignorance of proper modes, and an unwillingness to adopt them. In short, though all are content to acknowledge, that there is a certain burden of taxation which ought to be borne, yet each is desirous of shifting it from his own shoulders to those of his neighbors. Time will, I hope, produce a remedy to the evils under which we labor, but it may also increase them.
Your applications to the Court for aid are certainly well calculated to obtain it; but I am not much surprised at your ill success. Indeed I should have been much surprised if you had been more fortunate. Of all men I was placed in the situation to take the deepest concern in the event, but I cannot disapprove of the refusal, for we certainly ought to do more for ourselves before we ask the aid of others. Copies of your letters to the Court were laid before Congress, and also the copy of the new contract. I will enclose with this a further copy of the ratification of the old, if I can obtain it in season from Princeton, where the Congress now are.
I have written also on the subject of the debt due to the Farmers-General, and should Congress give me any orders about it, I shall attend carefully to the execution. The conduct they have maintained with regard to us has been generous, and will demand a return of gratitude as well as of justice. This I hope my countrymen will always be disposed to pay. I shall take some proper opportunity of writing to the Farmers-General, but will wait a while to know what may be the determination of Congress on their affairs.
It gives me much pleasure to find, that by the proposed establishment of packets, we shall shortly be in a condition to maintain more regular and connected correspondence; for although I shall not myself be much longer in public office, I feel for those who are or will be charged with the affairs of our country, both at home and abroad. It will naturally occur, however, that a good cypher must be made use of not unfrequently, when despatches are trusted to foreigners. They have no regard either to propriety or even decency where letters are concerned.
With very sincere esteem and respect, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.