This last was intended to take off from the force of those observations, as to the King's wisdom and integrity, which had rather more of republican simplicity, than courtly elegance. As my letter of the 3d was not intended to convince the Minister, that being unnecessary, as I am persuaded the conviction was already produced, but to prevent any improper conclusions from my circular letter, so it was unnecessary to make any particular reply to his observations, because, after all a paper argument in Philadelphia can have but very little influence at Versailles; and as the Chevalier observed very properly in one of his letters, the instructions from his Court must necessarily form the basis of his opinion. The proper and useful mode, therefore, of convincing him, is by stimulating them.
Knowing as I do the great force and compass of your talents, I should not presume to add one word of remark on the Chevalier's letter, if I were not convinced, that as it was written for the Court, so it will be necessary to oppose it in some degree by a knowledge of facts, which may not be in your immediate view. He takes it for granted, that the people will make extraordinary efforts, in consequence of their successes, and I will readily admit that they have the ability and ought to have the inclination; but they must differ much from former experience, if they do exert themselves. I will admit that their rulers ought to urge them into activity, but it must be remembered, that those rulers are themselves of the people, that their ideas and views are limited, and that they act like the people rather from feeling than reflection. I speak here of the several Legislatures, for I must repeat again and again, that our general system has not grown into that form and vigor, which can communicate the impulses of a sovereign mind to the remotest members of subjected power. I will admit that a Monarch, would on so brilliant a success, call into action, all which his kingdom possessed of strength and resources; but America is not under monarchical government. I will admit further, that if the object of the war was conquest, instead of security, every victory would give new animation to all the members of our republican confederacy; but this war is not carried on for conquest. While it rages in any quarter it makes food for itself. The inroads of the enemy create opposition. An application is then made immediately to the feelings of the people; but when the inroad ceases, when the enemy retires, the storm subsides, each man returns to his domestic pursuits and employments, and thinks no more of the scenes, which had just passed before him. It is true that this is only changing the field of battle. But America is so extensive, that a shock given at one extremity is lost before it reaches the other.
This true picture of our country, while it demonstrates the impracticability of subjecting it, explains the reasons why our exertions have always disappointed both our friends and our enemies. If then, as the fact is, the mere change of position at the option of the foe can so lull our people to rest, how much more are we to expect it will follow from the capture of a considerable part of his force. To reason rightly on the late events, we must admit the ability to make greater exertions, and then seek the means of calling them forth. This, Sir, can only be accomplished by pecuniary aid. The Chevalier observes that the King's obligations to us have been exceeded. This is but a narrow idea. If the King is engaged to support the war until our Independence is established, his simple object of inquiry will be, how that can be speedily and cheaply accomplished? It is certain that America ought to do everything in her power, and you may assure the Court, that Congress and the servants of Congress are sensible of this duty and determined to comply with it. But it is in vain to think of breaking the bounds of possibility, and equally vain to think of changing the nature of man.
Let me add, that there is little propriety in reproaching Americans with faults inseparable from humanity. Besides this, the exertions of our country have really been very great, and as soon as more consistency shall have been put in the administration, they will again be great; but this is the period of weakness between the convulsive labors of enthusiasm and the sound and regular operations of order and government.
There is in the end of the Chevalier's letter a hint in relation to our commerce, which although it does not immediately apply to the present purpose, must not pass unnoticed. That an indirect commerce has taken place with England is true, and that France has in a great measure been the cause of it is equally true. Men will naturally buy where they can obtain things most cheaply. The prime cost of goods, though a great object in time of peace is not equally so in time of war. The freight and the insurance are then so high that a small difference of danger or convenience will counterbalance a great difference of price. When France, by subscribing to the principles of the armed neutrality, gave her enemy the means of bringing her manufactures in safety to our neighborhood, she tempted our merchants to buy those manufactures. She added the motives of interest to the force of habit, and ought not, therefore, to be surprised that such cogent principles have had effect. One mode remained, that of convoying the trade between France and America, and that mode has been neglected. I am happy, however, to observe, that this British commerce is dwindling very fast. The war with Holland has given it one deadly blow, and if our privateers are once more freed from the shackles too hastily imposed upon them, I cannot doubt, but that the trade of this country will flow directly to France, as indeed it ought to do.
And now, Sir, before I close this letter, let me make one further observation with respect to the future supplies from his Majesty. To solicit them is considered as asking for assistance in a war, whose object is of the last importance to us. This is the point of view in which I have placed it, and in which I am desirous it should stand. But there is another method of looking at it, and, although delicacy will forbid us so to present it, yet you may depend upon it, that there are many, who have taught themselves to reason about it in a different way from what you or I would wish. Whether Britain will acknowledge our independence is a question, which is to be answered only with some modifications. If, in consequence of such an acknowledgement, we would forego our connexion with France, there is no manner of doubt, but she would make it immediately. This would on our part be wrong, and therefore it ought not to be done; but, Sir, when this great object shall be presented on the one side, and the weight of new and great taxes be felt on the other, with all their ancient prejudices and predilections in aid, will not there be some men who, for the shades of ease, will quit the paths of virtue?
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.