The chaplains of Congress receive, at present, at the rate of four hundred dollars each. If the office be necessary, it ought to be so supported as that the officers may be entirely attached to Congress, and accompany them in their changes, or fix at their permanent place of residence; whichever of these modes shall eventually be adopted, I have ventured to state their salaries at one thousand dollars each; perhaps I am still under the proper sum.
On the expense of the court of appeals I can say nothing, because I know not whether the continuance of it be necessary. But I should suppose, that if three gentlemen, well versed in the law of nations, were, from the tenure of their offices to be always with Congress (so as to be consulted and employed when the public service might require it) such an establishment would be continued, if the expense did not exceed the utility.
When all our accounts shall be settled, our debts either paid or properly funded, and things reduced to a peace establishment, the expenses of the Office of Finance may perhaps be reduced about two thousand dollars, by taking away the salaries of the assistant and one clerk, and adding somewhat to that of the secretary; under the present circumstances I do not think the number of the officers can be lessened. The salary of the Superintendent has often been mentioned as very high. This is a subject on which I can speak with great plainness, and but for the disagreeable situation of things above mentioned, I should speak also without any personal reference. I humbly conceive, that the object of Congress is what it certainly ought to be, an enlightened economy. On the powers of the office I will say nothing here, because it would be misplaced. The expenses of it are and ought to be great. Until we can create new beings we must take mankind as they are; and not only so, but we must take them as they are in our own country. Now it is evident, that a certain degree of splendor is necessary to those who are clothed with the higher offices of the United States. I will venture to say, that without it, those officers do not perform one of the duties, which they owe to their masters; and I can say, also, from experience that a salary of six thousand dollars does not exceed the expense of that officer. I speak for my successor, or rather for my country. Neither the powers nor emoluments of the office have sufficient charms to keep me in it one hour after I can quit it, and I did hope that period would have arrived during the next month. Perhaps it may. If a man of fortune chooses to run the career of vanity or ambition, he will naturally wish the salaries of office to be low, because it must reduce the number of honest competitors. I say honest competitors, because those who would make a property of public trusts will always be indifferent as to the amount of salary, seeing that with such men it forms the smallest pecuniary consideration. When a liberal salary enables a man, not rich, to live in a style of splendor without impairing his private fortune, the show he makes and the respect attached to him really belong to the country he serves, and are among the necessary trappings of her dignity. Now it has always appeared to me that true economy consists in putting proper men in proper places; to which purpose proper salaries are a previous requisite. Here I shall pause, because the reflection occurs to my mind, that perhaps this, with many other propositions equally true, will never be duly felt until an opposite conduct shall lead to disagreeable conviction. If indeed it were my object to enforce this point, I should go no further than the past experience of Congress, and perhaps there might be room for some argument on the actual state of the Office of Foreign Affairs. The expenses of that office, as well as of the War Office, require only a reference to what has been just mentioned. The expenses of the Treasury Office cannot be curtailed, for before the present business can be lessened, that of our debt must come forward, and there must be some persons to manage it, although the great machinery at present employed will be unnecessary.
For reasons of evident propriety, I say nothing on the establishment of our foreign servants, only recommending, that as little as possible be left to the article of contingencies. Because, if, on the one hand, it be just to compensate extraordinary and unexpected expenses for the public service, it is proper, on the other hand, to reduce within the closest limits of certainty, which the nature of things can permit, the amount of those burdens which the people must bear. And it ought to be remembered, that contingencies are generally speaking a kind of expenses, which though justified by necessity are unprovided for by express appropriation, and which therefore ought as much as possible to be avoided.
The last article is, expenses on collection of the revenue; and it is much to be lamented, that this is so heavy; not indeed the sum proposed in the estimate, which is trifling, but it will be found on examination, that the expense of collecting taxes in this country is greater than in almost any other; a serious misfortune, and which would certainly be provided against if the officers of the collection were nominated by authority of the United States; because then those principles of suspicion, which have already done so much and spoken so loudly, would soon fix upon a grievance, at present overlooked, because it forms part of the system favorable to withholding instead of collecting taxes. It has already been observed, that officers of the nature of receivers are necessary in the several States; it is here repeated, and experience will prove it. At the same time the committee will please to take notice, that the Loan officers are not included in the estimate; the reason of which is, that they can answer no purpose but the expense of the appointment, and the complicating of a system which ought to be simplified. An officer whose duty it is to urge collections, may do good if he performs that duty, but when it is a question of paying, means may be adopted, which will be more effectual, less expensive, and infinitely less liable to fraud. Not to mention that these means may be such as to avoid long and intricate accounts. In fact (and I hope, Sir, you will excuse the observation) there seems to have existed a solicitude how to spend money conveniently and easily, but little care how to obtain it speedily and effectually. The sums I have proposed as fixed salaries for these officers, may at first sight appear large, but if the office is to be at all useful it must be in the hands of a good man who can devote to it his whole time and attention, and who will neither by his private distresses nor by the scantiness of his stipend, be prompted to betray his trust, or abuse the confidence reposed in him.
Before I close this letter, I will take the liberty further to mention to the committee, as a principal means of avoiding many disagreeable discussions relative to the present object, that the establishment of a mint, and due regulations of the post office, would soon supply the funds necessary to defray the expenses of our civil establishment. The former of these is entirely in the power of Congress, and I should suppose, that the States could have no reasonable objection to leave the revenue, which might arise from the second to the disposition of Congress for that purpose.
I pray you to excuse me, Sir, for troubling you with so long a letter, which I will not add to by making an apology; but assure you of the respect, with which I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.