The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. 12

by Unknown

This, Sir, is not said boastingly, but with unaffected concern. I have labored to establish a credit for my country, that when the period should arrive, (and I hoped it was not far distant,) in which I could lay down the burden now pressing upon me, my successor in office should have no other difficulties to struggle with, than those which necessarily attend an extensive and complicated administration. It is, therefore, with no common degree of anxiety and distress, that I see my wishes frustrated. I feel as an American for my country, as a public servant for the interest and honor of those whom I serve, and as a man, that I cannot enjoy the ease and tranquillity I have sought for through a life of continual care and unremitted labor. It is my duty to mention to you the fact, and to apprize you, that in such circumstances, our operations will continue to be desultory efforts of individual power, rather than the combined exertion of political strength and firmness.

The repeated assurances we daily receive from the Ministers of his Most Christian Majesty, of their steady determination to grant no further pecuniary aid, will not leave room to doubt of their intentions. I candidly acknowledge that I had formed not only hopes, but even expectations from that quarter. For I had persuaded myself, that when the brilliant successes of the last campaign should be known, and when it should also be known how much the United States are capable of, and how necessary an aid of money is to call their power into action, the King would have again extended that relief, which must be most beneficial to the common cause. Even now, I shall request that Congress will instruct the Secretary of Foreign Affairs to make the most pointed representations on this subject through our Minister at the Court of Versailles, and I shall readily furnish all such materials in my department as may be necessary for the purpose; but I must not conceal my doubts as to the effect of such representations. Duty to this country requires that they should be made, but prudence forbids a reliance on their success, and will dictate to us a farther duty, which is, to act under the influence of a belief, that they will not succeed.

As to hopes of pecuniary aid from any other quarter, the delusion has already passed away. It is in vain that expensive establishments are kept up to solicit succor from Spain, who appears neither able nor willing to afford it; from Holland, who seeks peace and not to increase the causes of war; or from Russia, who seems more inclined to crush, than to support us. Let us apply to borrow wherever we may, our mouths will always be stopped by the one word, security. The States will not give revenue for the purpose, and the United States have nothing to give but a general national promise, of which their enemies loudly charge them with the violation.

Thus, Sir, compelled, however reluctantly, to look at home for the means of supporting ourselves against an enemy, whose power has rather increased with the increase of her foes, whose force has risen superior to defeats, and has found resources in a situation, which might have inspired despair, we must no longer rely on those who may neglect us, but take care that we be not charged with neglecting ourselves. I would to God, that I could say, that there were even the appearances of general vigor and exertion. But the truth is very different. The United States have called for eight millions of dollars early in November last, of which the first quarterly payment was to have been made on the 1st day of April next; but I cannot find that a single State has yet laid the taxes. I neither know what they will think proper to give, nor when. Happy to experience a momentary relief from the clamor and revolt of a starving army, from the rage and devastation of an inveterate enemy, and from the waste and extravagance of cumbrous, unwieldy departments, there appears to be no solicitude anywhere for the support of arrangements, on which the salvation of our country depends.

To give a little time for the people to breathe, and to remedy some of the many abuses, which were equally palpable and enormous, I early ventured on the business of contracting, and I have extended it as far as prudence would in any degree justify. Nay, relying on the States for support, I have made engagements, which, in almost any other circumstances, would savor of temerity, and which nothing would have led me to do, but a hope that by retrenching expenses, they would be sooner induced to grant revenue. So thoroughly am I convinced of the superior economy, which attends the present mode of supplying our armies, that I would have offered contracts for the southern department, could I have formed any well grounded expectation of moneys sufficient for the purpose from the southern States. Nor should I have been deterred even by the distance of the period at which it could be had, if I could have formed a reasonable reliance on it at some certain period. Our expenses, it is true, are retrenched, and to give an idea to what degree, I will mention, that for the amount of salaries alone in the Commissary's department to the northward of Potomac river, between three and four thousand soldiers are now fed with full rations. But though the retrenchments are great, the expenses are great also, and they must rapidly increase every moment in preparing for an early and vigorous campaign.

A view either of general politics or of our own situation will impress the conviction, that we ought to make an early and vigorous campaign. The blow, which the enemy have received in Virginia, should be followed as soon as possible before they have time for reflection, for reinforcement, or for defence. We must not imagine that Great Britain will be so stunned by this blow that she cannot recover, or that she will, for such a check, abandon the object both of her interest and her wishes, an object in which national importance appears to be combined with her national existence, and where every covetous and angry passion is strongly excited. What aid she may find from foreign powers must depend upon the manner of considering the propositions, which may be made, perhaps upon their interests, and, perhaps, upon their caprice. A nation, which can hold at bay one half the force of Europe, is by no means a despicable ally.

But whether she gets aid from others, or whether she draws it, as before, from domestic credit and confidence, this, at least, is certain, that we ought to expect new efforts against us, and that we ought not to expect any in our favor. If then, we can strike before she is ready to ward off the stroke, or bear the blow, our own people will be animated, the doubtful will be convinced, and the convinced will be confirmed. Nations, who are friendly to us, will give marks of amity. Nations, who are hostile, will be deterred from their attempts. The councils of our enemy will be distracted. Their intended succors may land on hostile ground, and where they want relief, it may be too late to obtain it. At what point, and in what manner, and for what purpose our efforts are to be made, is the province of the General to determine; but, I repeat again, it is our indispensable duty to put him speedily in possession of the means.

In order that anything effectual may be done, we must have both men and money, and we must have them early. On the 10th of December last, Congress were pleased to call on the States in the most pressing manner, to have their respective quotas in the field by the 1st day of March next; and they determined, that recruits should be raised to complete the quotas at the expense of the States, in the first instance to be reimbursed by the United States. The intention of these resolutions, however clear, may be misunderstood, and attempts made to deduct the expenditures of the recruiting service from the supplies, which were required by the Acts of the 30th of October and 3d of November. For this reason, and also that the States may be more effectually stimulated to comply with the views and wishes of Congress, I shall, before I close this letter, submit certain additions and explanations of their Act of the 10th of December. At present, I shall only observe, that it gives me very sincere pleasure to find the United States in Congress, so fully impressed with the necessity of early efforts. This circumstance leads me to hope that they will be equally impressed with the duty of urging a compliance with their requisitions. It is at least my duty to suggest it. A duty, which I owe to America at large, and which no hope of praise, or apprehension of blame, shall induce me to neglect. I know there is a delicacy, which influences some minds to treat the States with tenderness and even adulation, while they are in the habitual inattention to the calls of national interest and honor. I know that delicacy, and I disclaim it. Nor will I be deterred from waking those who slumber on the brink of ruin. But my voice, Sir, is feeble, and I must therefore pray to be assisted by the voice of the United States in Congress. Supported by them, I may, perhaps, do something; but, without that support, I must be a useless incumbrance.

It is also a duty to economise the moneys which are in our possession, and it receives a double force of obligation from the peculiarity of our circumstances. What moneys the States may grant, and when they may grant them, is known only to Him who knoweth all things; but that which we have is certain, and ought not to be expended but for useful purposes. If we look back to the conduct of the several States in former times, we shall find that the negligence with which they have treated the requests of Congress has been unequalled, unless by the earnestness of entreaty, with which those requests were made. And I fear that there is little hope, that the conduct now to be pursued will in one instant become the counter part of former experiences. We have reason to apprehend a continuance of that shameful negligence, which has marked us to a proverb, while all Europe gazed in astonishment at the unparalleled boldness and vastness of claims, blended with an unparalleled indolence, and imbecility of conduct. But let the several States be ever so negligent, the confederation has given no power to compel. While it confers on Congress the privilege of asking everything, it has secured to each State the prerogative of granting nothing. Since, then, the Congress cannot compel the States to make a grant of money, they must at least take care to prevent the States from making an unnecessary expenditure of those moneys, which are in our possession. Nor is this all. We are called on by the principles of justice as well as of duty to prevent such expenditure.

The requisitions of Congress have been for men and money. The States have furnished officers and transmitted a variety of accounts, demands and complaints; but while officers continue numerous they have neglected to provide soldiers. Instead of it, some of them have formed State regiments, and given State bounties to all those regiments; regiments confined to the limits of the State, as if the ultimate object of military employment were the show of parade, or to consume the fruits of the earth. In the meantime, the continental officers, whose services have entitled them to respectful attention, and whose experience has enabled them to be essentially useful, are left without men to command, and forced to bear the mortification which must afflict every generous mind, perceiving themselves a useless burden to the community.