I do not think it necessary to detail the reasons, which induced Congress to adopt this measure, but I cannot help observing, that it is to the want of a decision on this point, that the languor and want of exertion of the several States are to be attributed. That fatal assertion that each has done most, which each has made and repeated, until it has gained but too much credit, would never have obtained a place in the minds of men, who really love their country and cause, had the requisitions of Congress been made annually for money, and the quotas fixed finally at the date of the demand. The compliances of each would in that case have determined their respective merits or demerits; we should then have seen a competition the very reverse of that which has for some time past prevailed; and it is not yet too late. Let us settle the accounts of the past expenditures, adjust the shares which each State has to pay, but let the settlement be final, or we do nothing. And if on the requisition of men and money for this, and for future years, the quotas be finally fixed, and the compliances be made publicly known, we shall banish that distrust, which I am sorry to say now exists between the States, and in place thereof excite the noble ardor, which animated our conduct in the commencement of the contest. The strife will then be which shall be foremost in contributing their share to the support of that war, on the success of which depends the political existence of all.
A desire to name commissioners of approved abilities and character, has induced me to delay such nominations, until I can obtain information of suitable persons from each State. I shall very soon proceed in this business, in such manner as to me shall seem most likely to obtain honest, impartial, and equitable settlements of the public accounts.
I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
TO NATHANIEL APPLETON.
Office of Finance, April 16th, 1782.
Sir,
I am indebted for your letters of the 14th and 28th of last month. Having personally a great regard for your Governor, it gives me pain to disapprove of any of his measures, and probably he never could have given cause for blame by any delay of the impost law, had he considered how many widows and orphans, as well as other deserving persons, friends to their country and its cause, are deprived of the means of comfortable subsistence, by being kept out of that interest, which is so justly their due, and which the revenue to be raised in consequence of that law was intended to discharge.
I know he has a benevolent heart; I know that he is generous; and principles of justice will always have their proper influence over him. I beg you will remind him, that his generosity, humanity, and justice, are all concerned in promoting the establishment of permanent revenues, sufficient to discharge the interest of our public debt. Nay, more, the political existence of America depends on the accomplishment of this plan. We cannot be called a nation, nor do we deserve to be ranked amongst the nations of the earth, until we do justice to those, who have served and trusted us. A public debt, supported by public revenue, will prove the strongest cement to keep our confederacy together. Sound policy would also dictate, that we should do justice to those who have trusted us, in order that we may have pretensions to credit in future. We might then tax the present race of citizens six pounds, instead of a hundred, and leave posterity to pay the principal of a debt contracted in consequence of our distresses and necessities, but from which they will derive ease and emolument. I could say a great deal more on this subject, and probably shall to the world at large, if the just measures of Congress continue to meet with such ill judged opposition.