I might add a number of reasons to show the necessity of destroying this paper money; but your residence here has enabled you to see this subject to the bottom, and I have found in conversation your ideas so clear, that I will not attempt to demonstrate what you cannot but perceive at a single glance. But how is it to be done? If a recurrence be again had to the detestable expedient of force, our credit is ruined. Prudence, therefore, forbids any such attempt; besides, it is so dishonest, that I will never have any concern in it. There is then no other means, but to receive the taxes in paper, and to destroy a part, at least, if not the whole.
This method of proceeding will lay a proper foundation for establishing public credit, and when that is established, we well know what good consequences may be drawn. But, in the interim, it is evident that the revenue, even if otherwise equal to our wants, must be deficient. I, therefore, am bound to declare to you my conviction, that we must have aid from abroad. It is unnecessary to add the place from which that aid is to be expected.
It is very painful to ask assistance in any case, especially in a situation like ours, where the object of the war is to secure what is of the utmost importance to us. But having candidly explained our situation, and shown the impracticability of doing all which I wish, there is a greater propriety in stating to a gentleman, who knows those wishes, the ideas which arise from the nature of that connexion which subsists between the two nations.
The war in America must of necessity prove fatal to Great Britain, if it continues; because it is carried on by her at an expense so disproportionate, to that which is borne by France, that the greater effort must exhaust every fund she can possibly draw forth, and inextricably involve her in eternal debt. If then the object of the war were in itself indifferent to France, the mere continuance of it would alone be a valuable object to her, and indeed, to every other power, particularly to those who are in any degree maritime, as they are most exposed to British encroachment and rapacity. But when we consider that the object of the war is of the last consequence to the commerce of his Majesty's dominions, and especially so to his marine; and when we further consider, that his honor stands pledged for our support, to doubt of his further assistance would imply a reflection both on his wisdom and integrity. I hope, Sir, you will believe me to be incapable of casting such reflections.
Let me further take the liberty to observe, that I would by no means detract from the generosity of his Most Christian Majesty, yet the moneys, which he may be disposed to advance to the United States, are neither lost nor thrown away. The subjects of France will for ages derive benefits from a commercial connexion with this country, and I hope their Sovereign will always find here a warm friend and a faithful ally, should any of those changes, to which human affairs are subjected, induce him to ask that aid, which he now bestows.
With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.[1]