A miracle versified from an earlier source by Gautier de Coincy, some thirty or forty years before the affair of Hugh of Lincoln, is obviously of the same ultimate origin as the Prioresses Tale. A poor woman in England had an only son with a beautiful voice, who did a good deal for the support of his mother by his singing. The Virgin took a particular interest in this clerçoncel, among whose songs was Gaude Maria, which he used to give in a style that moved many to tears. One day, when he was playing in the streets with his comrades, they came to the Jews’ street, where some entertainment was going on which had collected a great many people, who recognized the boy, and asked him to give them a song about Our Lady. He sang with his usual pathos and applause. Jews were listening with the rest, and one of them was so exasperated by a passage in the hymn that he would have knocked the singer on the head then and there, had he dared. When the crowd was dispersed, this Jew enticed the child into his house by flattery and promises, struck him dead with an axe, and buried him. His mother went in search of him, and learned the second day that the boy had been singing in the Jewry the day before, and it was intimated that the Jews might have laid hands on him and killed him. The woman gave the Virgin to understand that if she lost her child she should never more have confidence in her power; nevertheless, more than twenty days passed before any light was thrown on his disappearance. At the end of that time, being one day in the Jews’ street, and her wild exclamations having collected a couple of thousand people, she gave vent to her conviction that the Jews had killed her son. Then the Virgin made the child, dead and buried as he was, sing out Gaude Maria in a loud and clear voice. An assault was made on the Jews and the Jews’ houses, including that of the murderer; and here, after much searching, guided by the singing, they found the boy buried under the door, perfectly well, and his face as red as a fresh cherry. The boy related how he had been decoyed into the house and struck with an axe; the Virgin had come to him in what seemed a sleep, and told him that he was remiss in not singing her response as he had been wont, upon which he began to sing. Bells were rung, the Virgin was glorified, some Jews were converted, the rest massacred. (G. de Coincy, ed. Poquet, col. 557 ff; Chaucer Society, Originals and Analogues, p. 253 ff.) The same miracle, with considerable variations, occurs in Mariu Saga, ed. Unger, p. 203, No 62, ‘Af klerk ok gyðingum;’ also in Collin de Plancy, Légendes des Saintes Images, p. 218, ‘L’Enfant de Chœur de Notre-Dame du Puy,’ under the date 1325.
Murders like that of Hugh of Lincoln have been imputed to the Jews for at least seven hundred and fifty years,[[136]] and the charge, which there is reason to suppose may still from time to time be renewed, has brought upon the accused every calamity that the hand of man can inflict, pillage, confiscation, banishment, torture, and death, and this in huge proportions. The process of these murders has often been described as a parody of the crucifixion of Jesus. The motive most commonly alleged, in addition to the expression of contempt for Christianity, has been the obtaining of blood for use in the Paschal rites,—a most unhappily devised slander, in stark contradiction with Jewish precept and practice. That no Christian child was ever killed by a Jew, that there never even was so much truth as that (setting aside the object) in a single case of these particular criminations, is what no Christian or Jew would undertake to assert; but of these charges in the mass it may safely be said, as it has been said, that they are as credible as the miracles which, in a great number of cases, are asserted to have been worked by the reliques of the young saints, and as well substantiated as the absurd sacrilege of stabbing, baking, or boiling the Host,[[137]] or the enormity of poisoning springs, with which the Jews have equally been taxed.[[138]] And these pretended child-murders, with their horrible consequences, are only a part of a persecution which, with all moderation, may be rubricated as the most disgraceful chapter in the history of the human race.[[139]]
Cases in England, besides that of Hugh of Lincoln, are William of Norwich, 1137, the Saxon Chronicle, Earle, p. 263, Acta Sanctorum, March (25), III, 588; a boy at Gloucester, 1160, Brompton, in Twysden, col. 1050, Knyghton, col. 2394; Robert of St Edmondsbury, 1181, Gervasius Dorobornensis, Twysden, col. 1458; a boy at Norwich, stolen, circumcised, and kept for crucifixion, 1235, Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, Luard, III, 305 (see also III, 543, 1239, IV, 30, 1240); a boy at London, 1244, Matthew Paris, IV, 377 (doubtful, but solemnly buried in St. Paul’s); a boy at Northampton, 1279, crucified, but not quite killed, the continuator of Florence of Worcester, Thorpe, II, 222.
It would be tedious and useless to attempt to make a collection of the great number of similar instances which have been mentioned by chroniclers and ecclesiastical writers; enough come readily to hand without much research.
A boy was crucified and thrown into the Loire by the Jews of Blois in 1171: Sigiberti Gemblacensis Chronica, auctarium Roberti de Monte, in Pertz, Mon. Germ. Hist. Script., VI, 520, Grätz, Geschichte der Juden, VI, 217–19. Philip Augustus had heard in his early years from playmates that the Jews sacrificed a Christian annually (and, according to some, partook of his heart), and this is represented as having been his reason for expelling the Jews from France. Richard of Pontoise was one of these victims, in 1179: Rigordus, Gesta Philippi Augusti, p. 14 f., § 6, and Guillelmus Armoricus, p. 179, § 17, in the edition of 1882; Acta Sanctorum, March (25), III, 591. France had such a martyr as late as 1670: see the case of Raphaël Lévy in Eisenmenger, Entdecktes Judenthum, 2r Theil, 224; Drumont, La France Juive, II, 402–09.
Alfonso the Wise has recorded in the Siete Partidas, 1255, that he had heard that the Jews were wont to crucify on Good Friday children that they had stolen (or waxen images, when children were not to be had), Partida VII, Tit. XXIV, Ley iia, III, 670, ed. 1807, and this was one of the most effective grounds offered in justification of the expulsion of the Jews under Ferdinand and Isabella: Amador de los Rios, Historia de los Judíos de España, I, 483 f. San Dominguito de Val, a choir-boy of seven, Chaucer’s clergeon over again, was said to have been stolen and crucified at Saragossa in 1250: Basnage, Histoire des Juifs, 1726, vol. ix, 2d part, pp. 484–86; Acta SS., Aug. (31), VI, 777. Several children were crucified at Valladolid in 1452, and like outrages occurred near Zamora in 1454, and at Sepulveda in 1468: Grätz, VIII, 238. Juan Passamonte, “el niño de Guardia,” was kidnapped in 1489, and crucified in 1490: Llorente (Pellier), Histoire de l’Inquisition, ed. 1818, I, 258 f.
Switzerland affords several stories of the sort: a boy at Frisingen in 1287, Ulrich, Sammlung jüdischer Geschichten, p. 149; Rudolf of Bern, 1288 or 1294, Ulrich, pp. 143–49, Acta Sanctorum, April (17), II, 504, Stobbe, Die Juden in Deutschland, p. 283; a boy at Zürich, 1349, another at Diessenhofen, 1401, Ulrich, pp. 82, 248 f.
Examples are particularly numerous in Germany. 1181, Vienna, Zunz, p. 25; 1198, Nuremberg, Stobbe, p. 281; about 1200, Erfurt, Zunz, p. 26; 1220, St Henry, Weissenburg, Acta SS., April, II, 505 (but 1260, Schœpflin, Alsatia Illustrata, II, 394 f.); 1235–6, Fulda, Grätz, Geschichte der Juden, VII, 109, 460; 1261, Magdeburg, Stobbe, p. 282; 1283, Mayence, Grätz, VII, 199; 1285, Munich, Grätz, VII, 200, Aretin, Geschichte der Juden in Baiern, p. 18; 1286, Oberwesel, near Bacharach, Werner (boy or man), Grätz, VII, 201, 479, Stobbe, p. 282, Acta Sanctorum, April (19), II, 697; 1292, Colmar, Stobbe, p. 283; 1293, Krems, ib.; 1302, Remken, ib.; 1303, Conrad, at Weissensee, ib.; 1345, Henry, at Munich, Acta SS., May (27), VI, 657; 1422, Augsburg, or 1429, Ravensburg, Ulrich, p. 88 ff; 1454, Breslau, Grätz, VIII, 205; 1462, Andrew, in Tyrol, Acta SS., July (12), III, 462; 1474 and 1476, Ratisbon, Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie (Train, Geschichte der Juden in Regensburg), 1837, Heft 3, p. 98 ff., 104 ff., and (Saalschütz), 1841, Heft 4, p. 140 ff., Grätz, VIII, 279 ff.; 1475, Simon of Trent, Muratori, Rer. Ital. Script., XX, 945–49 (Annals of Placentia), Liliencron, Historische V. l. der Deutschen, II, 13, No 128, Grätz, VIII, 269 ff., Acta SS., March (24), III, 494, La Civiltà Cattolica, 1881 and 1882;[[140]] a little before 1478, Baden, Train, as above, p. 117; 1540, Zappenfeld, near Neuburg (nothing “proved”), Aretin, p. 44 f.; 1562, Andrew, Tyrol, Acta SS., July (12), III, 462, with a picture,[[141]] p. 464; 1650, Caden (and others in Styria, Carinthia, and Carniola), Eisenmenger, Entdecktes Judenthum, 1711, 2r Theil, p. 223; near Sigeberg, in the diocese of Cologne, Joanettus, Acta SS., March, III, 502, with no year.
Italy appears to be somewhat behind the rest of Europe. The Fortalicium Fidei reports a case at Pavia some time before 1456, and another at Savona of about 1452: Basel ed. (c. 1475), fol. 116 f. 1480, Venice, Beato Sebastiano da Porto Buffolè del Bergamasco, Civiltà Cattolica, X, 737. Israel, one of the culprits of Trent, revealed his knowledge of similar transactions at Padova, Mestre, Serravalle and Bormio, in the course of his own life, besides several in Germany: Civ. Catt., X, 737.
Further, 1305, Prague, Eisenmenger, p. 221; 1407, Cracow, “Dlugosz, Hist. Polonicæ, l. x, p. 187;” 1494, Tyrnau, Ungerische Chronica, 1581, p. 375; 1505, Budweis, Stobbe, p. 292; 1509, Bösing, Hungary, Eisenmenger, p. 222; 1569, Constantinople, Fickler, Theologia Juridica, 1575, p. 505 (cited by Michel); 1598, Albertus, in Polonia, Acta SS., April (circa 20), II, 835.