On the nineteenth of April, 1520, while at port San Julian, Magalhães ordered an investigation of a petition presented by Alvaro de la Mezquita, captain of the ship "San Antonio." The petition states that on the first of April Gaspar de Quesada and Juan de Cartagena appeared at Mezquita's ship, took him prisoner, and made themselves masters of the vessel. Quesada refused to liberate the prisoner at the request of the master, and checked the intended resistance of the remaining officers and crew of the "San Antonio" by severely wounding the master, Juan de Elorriaga and ordering the others disarmed. The mate was taken prisoner, and carried to the "Concepcion." Antonio de Coca, accountant of the fleet, was a party to the conspiracy. Juan de Sebastian del Cano, master of the "Concepcion," was placed in command of the captured vessel, which was put in a state of defense, all guns being mounted in place. Mezquita asks for a thorough investigation of this case, so that the fleet may be cleared of traitors. The charges of wastefulness and cruelty preferred against him, he wishes examined; and, if he is worthy of punishment, let it be administered. This petition was presented on the fifteenth, and acknowledged on the seventeenth. The testimonies were given before a notary on and after April 19, and certified on the twenty-sixth. In the investigations the depositions were taken of the chaplain of the fleet, and of the notary, the pilot, a sailor, the boatswain, the steward, and the master of the "San Antonio." In the main they are all alike, exonerating Mezquita from all charges and condemning Quesada and his accomplices. On the return to Seville of the "Victoria" (in which Mezquita was carried a prisoner), these depositions were presented, through the efforts of Diego Barbosa, to the alcalde-in-ordinary (May 22, 1523). (No. xx, pp. 189-201.)
Seville, May 12, 1521. The accountant Juan Lopez de Recalde writes to the bishop of Búrgos on this date of the arrival of the "San Antonio" at the port of Seville, Las Muelas. The captain of the vessel now was "Gerónimo Guerra, a relative and servant of Cristobal de Haro, and its pilot Esteban, a Portuguese." "They brought as prisoner Alvaro de la Mezquita, eldest son of Magallánes's brother, who was appointed captain of this said ship in place of Juan de Cartagena." Mezquita was transferred to a prison on shore, at which Barbosa, "Magallánes's father-in-law, showed much resentment, saying that he ought to be set free and those who brought him imprisoned." The letter relates the discord between Magalhães and certain of the other officers of the fleet; the imprisonment of Mezquita by Cartagena; the attempted mutiny; the tragic deaths of Mendoza, the treasurer, and Quesada; and other vigorous measures of Magalhães in quelling the outbreak. He relates the separation in the strait of the "San Antonio" from the other vessels, and the determination of the men of this vessel to return to Spain, notwithstanding the opposition of Mezquita. The latter coming to blows with the pilot Esteban Gomez was arrested and "they came direct to this port, eating three ounces of bread each day, because their provisions had failed. In the judgment and opinion of those who have come, the said Magallánes will not return to Castilla." (No. xxi, pp. 201-208.)
A journal or log of Magalhães's voyage was written by Francisco Albo, covering the voyage from cape San Agustin in Brazil until the "Victoria" [the first ship to circumnavigate the globe] returned to Spain. The log begins November 29, 1519, and ends September 4, 1522. The entries are for the most part very brief. It shows that the fleet sighted or touched at various points, among them "a mountain shaped like a hat, which we called Monte Vidi, now corruptly called Santo Vidio [today Montevideo], [211] and between it and Cape Santa Maria… a river called the Patos River;" also, farther on, "a very great river… Solis [today Rio de la Plata]." The record for October 21-December 1, 1520, says: "On the twenty-first of the said month we took the sun in fifty-two degrees at a distance from land of five leagues. And there we saw an opening like a bay; at its entrance toward the left was a long sandy point. The cape we discovered before this point is called Cape Las Vírgines. The point of sand lies in fifty-two degrees of latitude and fifty-two and one-half degrees of longitude. From this sand-point to the other side is about five leagues. Inside this bay we found a strait of about one league in width. From this entrance to the sand-point it is straight east and west. On the left side of the bay is a large angle in which are many sunken rocks. But as you enter you keep toward the north, and as you enter the strait you go toward the southwest by a mid channel. And as you enter you observe some shoals in front at a distance of three leagues from the mouth, and afterward you will find two sandy islets, and then the open channel, and you can doubtless sail at will therein. Passing this strait we found another small bay, and then another strait like unto the first. From one entrance to the other the direction is east and west, and the strait runs from the northeast to the southwest. After we had passed through the two mouths or straits we found a very large bay, and some islands. In one of the latter we anchored and took the altitude, which we found to be fifty-two and one-third degrees. From this point we sailed southeast and found a point to the left, at a distance from the first entrance of about thirty leagues…. There are many turns in this strait, and the mountains are very high and covered with snow. Afterward we sailed northeast by east, passing many islands on the way. At the farther end of the strait the coast turns northward. At the left we saw a cape and an island, and we named them Cape Fermoso and Cape Deseado. It lies in the same altitude as Cape Las Virgines, which is the first point at the entrance. From the said Cape Fermoso we sailed northeast, north, and north-northwest, for two days and three nights, and on the next day we saw land … and this land we saw the first day of December." On the twenty-fourth of January, 1521, they find an islet, which they name San Pablo. On the sixth of March two small islands are sighted, and they see many small sails. A further note of this same day says "The islands of the Ladrones are three hundred leagues from Gilolo." March 16, they sight more islands, giving names to two, Suluan and Yunagan—the first island of the archipelago of San Lázaro [the Philippines]. They land successively at the islands of Gada, Seilani, and Mazava, and pass by or anchor at Matan, Subu, Baibai. "We left Subu sailing southeast … between the Cape of Subu and an island named Bohol; and on the western side of the Cape of Subu is another island, by name, Panilongo, inhabited by blacks. This island and Subu have gold and quantities of ginger…. We anchored at the island of Bohol." Thus the log continues without date for some time, the islands of Quipit, Quagayán, Poluan, and Borney being noted. At the latter place in a brush with the natives, they seize a junk, on which "was a son of the king of Luzon, which is a very large island." The ship passes on through the Moluccas, which are named: "Terrenate, Tidori, Mare, Motil, Maquiam, Bachian, Gilolo—these are all that have cloves." On the fourth of May, 1522, the Cape of Good Hope is founded. (No. xxii, pp. 209-247.)
The cargo of cloves brought by the "Victoria" amounted to three hundred and eighty-one sacks, with a net weight of five hundred and twenty-four quintals, twenty-one and one-half libras. This was delivered to Cristóbal de Haro, through an agent, in accordance with a royal decree of October 10, 1522. The cargo also contained other spices, and a feather ornament, besides the private stores. (No. xxiii, pp. 247, 248.)
October 18, 1522. Certain questions are to be put to those coming in the "Victoria." These included: the cause of the discord between Magalhães and Cartagena and others; the reason for the capture and killing of Mendoza, and if any reward were promised to Espinosa for killing him; the reason for Magalhães's abandonment of Cartagena and the ecclesiastic, and if he acted right toward Quesada, Mendoza, and others; whether the punishments were meted out for the purpose of putting the Portuguese accompanying him, and who were kin to him, in command of the ships; the reason for Magalhães's long delays in various ports, thus wasting provisions and losing valuable time; questions affecting trade; as to the manner in which Magalhães met his death from the Indians, and why some say he died in another manner; those who were left behind at the island where Magalhães had been killed, and whether they could be rescued. Answers are given to these questions by Juan Sebastian Del Cano, captain, Francisco Albo, pilot, and Fernando de Bustamente, barber, all of the "Victoria." (No. xxv, pp. 285-294.)
The expedition begun by Magalhães made treaties of peace with various petty kings or governors among the islands. One was made with the seignior of Poluan, a vassal of the king of Borneo. The interpreter in this treaty was "a Moro who was seized in the island of the king of Lozon and knew some Castilian." Presents were made to seal the peace. Treaties were made also in Tidori, Cebu, and Gilolo. (No. xxvii, pp. 295-298.)
1523. Diego de Barbosa presents a memorandum to the king regarding some events of Magalhães's voyage, and the methods for trading in the spice regions. He cites the memorandum left by the latter on his departure from Seville in 1519. He adds "And now, … I believe that the time has come when this must be investigated, and I determined to present this memorandum to your Majesty in order that you may not be deceived in the routes, and in the trade of those regions which you have in your power, since it was discovered at so great expense and toil to Magallánes, and his death …" He justifies the conduct of the latter, and urges the king to see justice done. Speaking of the trade he says, "Your Majesty should believe that the sport of this business that you have in your power is of what extent you may desire, only your Majesty must know the game well, because in these first beginnings lies its good. Whence I say, that before all else your Majesty ought, in this case, to give such examples to those sailing in the fleet which you expect to have prepared, so that those who go shall not be betrayed … as happened in the past, and that the captain-general … be one who knows thoroughly what he must do, and that those accompanying him go so instructed that after telling him their opinion, they shall not dare to instruct him in his duties; for where confusion exists there is the whole mistake." He urges a powerful fleet in order to be able to show sufficient force to the natives, and to punish those who killed Magalhães. He cites the example of the Portuguese who send large fleets to the east, and gain respect through fear, "for if the King of Portugal has prestige in the Indies, it is because he has always tried to demonstrate his power there, sending as large a fleet as possible each year. Therefore not only did he rule those lands with love and good works, but to a greater degree by means of fear." In the matter of trading, the king should keep control; for if traders are allowed to trade on their own account they will ruin everything, and will sell lower, being content with thirty or forty per cent when they might gain one hundred per cent or more. He advises the king that trading should be under the control of his Majesty's factor. (No. xxviii, pp. 298-301.)
Chainho, 1523. Antonio Brito writes to the king of Portugal in regard to events in India and the voyage of Magalhães. "I arrived at Tidore May 13, 522 [sic]. The Castilians had been there and loaded two of the five vessels that sailed from Castilla; and I learned that the one had left there four months before, and the other one month and a half." On October 20, news is brought of a ship. Brito orders it brought to port, and finds, as he had supposed, that it is a Castilian vessel. Of their crew of fifty-four men, thirty had died. Their maps and instruments are seized; and the ship and cargo confiscated, the wood of the former being used in the fortress. "They said that the bishop of Burgos and Cristóbal de Haro had fitted out this fleet." A short account of the voyage is given. From Rio de Janeiro the Castilians "sailed to the river called Solís, where Fernando Magallánes thought a passage would be found; and they stayed there forty days…. They coasted along shore to a river called San Juan, where they wintered for four months. Here the captains began to ask where he was taking them, especially one Juan de Cartagena…. Then they tried to rise against Magallánes and kill him." The flight of the "San Antonio" is narrated, "and it is not known whether it returned to Castilla or whether it was lost." The discovery of the strait is noted, with a brief description of its location. The succeeding events—the death of Magalhães, the election of two captains (Duarte Barbosa, "a Portuguese, and brother-in-law of Magallánes;… and Juan Serrana, a Castilian"), and the death of Barbosa and thirty-five or thirty-six men at the hands of natives, are briefly narrated. "They sailed to an island called Mindanao … and had an interview with the king, who showed them where Borneo lay," whither they next journeyed. Here they were taken by the natives for Portuguese, and were well treated. They asked for pilots to conduct them to the Moluccas, but the king gave them only as far as Mindanao "on the opposite side from which they had come, where they would get other pilots. Mindanao is a very large and fertile island." Brito relates further the disposition made of the Castilians and their cargo. (No. xxx, pp. 305-311.)
Valladolid, August 2, 1527. Investigations are instituted by the Council of the Indies in regard to the seizure and confiscation by the Portuguese of the "Trinidad," one of Magalhães's vessels. This court of inquiry is in charge of the bishop of Ciudad, Rodrigo, who examines under oath the captain of the vessel, Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa and the two pilots Ginés de Mafra and Leon Pancado. The investigation brings out, in the form mainly of question and answer, the communication of the Castilians with the Portuguese, and the confiscation of their ship and cargo. (No. xi, pp. 378-388.)
Letter of Authorization to Falero and Magallanes