[The beheading of Mary Stuart, the English confederation with Holland, and the building, disaster, and defeat of the "invincible armada" follow. The narrative continues:]

The Hollanders or Zealanders, confederated with Queen Isabel [i.e., Elizabeth of England], being witnesses of that event [i.e., the defeat of the armada], were encouraged to aspire to greater efforts, in disobedience to their religion and to their sovereign, to usurp the eastern riches—mines, spices, drugs, and silks—as is seen by their reckless voyages, in which they have been emulous of the recent examples set by the English, and by the more ancient ones left us by Colon, Alburquerque, Magallanes, Gama, and Cortes, as we shall see later….

After Santiago de Vera became governor of the Filipinas, he was especially ordered to equip a fleet to attack Ternate, where the English, from that time forward, were trading with all security. All nations had established factories there, except the Javanese and the Lascars. More than two thousand five hundred Moros from Meca were preaching their abominable doctrine. They did not fear Portugal; all their fear was caused by the Castilians, whom but lately they found pledged to vengeance. The king of Ternate knew that Sarmiento and Ronquillo would have taken it, had not disease prevented them. When the new preparation was learned in Tydore, the rumor was taken to Ternate by spies. That king immediately summoned his vassals, especially the islanders of Maquien and Homero, who, inasmuch as those islands are so densely populated, responded with forty caracoas. The number would have been greater, but the king would not permit that more should be equipped than he requested, as he could not conceal his dread lest they rebel, as the lands were full of Christians, and the tributes that he had imposed on them were so excessive. Santiago de Vera made Captain Juan Morones general, who was not lacking in prudence, just as valor was not lacking to the soldiers, or ammunition and artillery to the fleet. Pablo de Lima assisted in both forces. But whether caused by natural ambition, or want of harmony in some other way, they were so disunited that one would have prophesied jealousies before they left Manila. They set sail in good weather, and escaped the greatest hardships of the sea. But when they considered themselves safe, all the elements were loosed upon the fleet. Light and reckoning failed them. The boats were shattered and the most important one sunk, with the loss of all its crew. That was the galleon called "Santa Helena," which was carrying the pieces to bombard the fortress, and considerable of the other ammunition and apparatus. However they persisted, and the king of Bacham assisted them with the men that he had raised under the pretext of sweeping the sea of certain enemies; and, as a baptized Christian, he bewailed the apostasy that he had made, because of persecution, from the glorious confession of our faith, and promised the restitution of his soul.

[The futile operations of the Spaniards at Ternate follow. Refusing advice, the commander tries to take the main fort instead of attacking in different places with small detachments. Finally the siege is raised, when the enemy is almost starved out. Communication with traders from Europe is again free to Ternate, "especially with their new friends, the English." But internal disputes and ambitions in Ternate lead to the following letter to Santiago de Vera from Cachil Tulo, uncle of the illegitimate king of Ternate:]

My brother, Cachil Babu, former king of Ternate, wrote to Portugal to the king, requesting justice on a man who killed his father and mine, in return for which he promised to deliver to his Majesty the fort of Ternate, of which he had been dispossessed. And as his Majesty succeeded to the kingdoms of Portugal, he answered my brother's letter by Cachil Naique, his ambassador. But when it arrived, my brother was already dead, for which reason we did not then deliver the fortress, as a bastard son had succeeded him, whom the Ternatans, with the help of the king of Tydore, elevated as king, although he had no right to the throne. He refused to fulfil his father's promise and pledge. Neither would he take my counsel or that of my brother, Cachil Mandraxa, rightful heir of the kingdom, namely, that he deliver the fortress, as his father had promised the Portuguese—not because he could not defend himself from them or from his Majesty, but expressly because he had been thus ordered by his father and my brother. It must not be understood that it was taken from us by force of arms, but that we of ourselves had this will to deliver the fortress to serve his Majesty. Upon seeing us with this intention he determined to kill my brother, his uncle, the rightful heir of the kingdom, by having him stabbed by the hand of a slave, under his word and security and mine. Therefore, considering such action of my nephew senseless, and that he refuses to fulfil what his father and I and my brothers promised to his Majesty, I have determined, now and henceforth, to become the true vassal and servant of his Majesty. By this present I bind myself, and I swear by my religion, as I did so swear, and I shall not annul my pledge, through the father-vicar Antonio Ferreyra, to give all my help and aid for the taking of the fort, with all my kindred and friends, until his Majesty's captain takes possession of it or he who shall hereafter come with the Portuguese and Castilians, who shall be in his company. [This I shall do] provided that the captain or captains in his Majesty's name shall fulfil toward me the signed promise of Duarte Pereyra, the chief captain, inasmuch as I gave him another such message. That is to proclaim me king of Ternate, as soon as he shall take possession of the fort for his Majesty; for it belongs to me both through my father, and by the service that I am rendering, and that I hope to render later, to his Majesty. Therefore, I beseech your Lordship for favor, and request you in his Majesty's name to aid me by sending the greatest possible number of soldiers; and that quickly, so that this my intention and will to serve his Majesty in this may be achieved, and, as I hope, without loss of life—although, as your Lordship will have learned, this fortress is well garrisoned. The order and arrangement that these soldiers would better observe will be written to your Lordship by the chief captain. Given in Tydore, where I have come for this purpose, as the father-vicar Antonio Ferreyra and the auditor Antonio de Matos will testify, whom, as such persons, I begged to sign for me. May 23.

[The letter of the Portuguese commander verifies the above letter, and asks for four hundred Spanish soldiers, under pretext of sending them "to drive the Javanese from those seas, whose friendship the Ternatans value more than ours." They at least will keep the English from Ternatan ports. Fifteen fragatas and one galleon will be enough, and they are to be accompanied by Filipino pioneers. He tries to persuade the governor to undertake the expedition. Vera is anxious to do so, but is unable to attempt it at once. Meanwhile Cachil Tulo dies, and the vigilance required in watching the Chinese and Japanese in the Philippines renders it impossible to send the expedition to Ternate. "Each one of these expeditions made inroads on the treasury and forces of the province, to so great an extent that it was necessary to allow a breathing-space to each of them." It is thought that a joint expedition from Malaca and Manila will accomplish more, and this is made some years later, under Andres Furtado de Mendoza, of whose character and some of whose deeds there follows an account. The island of Ceylon, its products and fauna are partially described, and some of its connection with the Portugese. Returning to Philippine matters, the narrative continues:]

At this time Santiago de Vera was already dismissed from his governorship of the Filipinas. After he had communicated with Andres Furtado, and received an answer from him, in which the latter coincided with his desire, fortune disturbed these beginnings, and Furtado became embroiled with those who did not love him, and Santiago de Vera was withdrawn from his office. Gomez Perez de las Mariñas, knight of the habit of Santiago, succeeded him. He was a man of great reputation, a native of Betanços in the kingdom of Galicia. He reached Filipinas in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety. He brought his son Don Luis with him, a knight of the habit of Alcántara. The new governor found Manila open to attack, without the form of a city, and without any money with which to improve it. More than two hundred thousand pesos were needed for it. However, by his plans and schemes, he completed the work without public or private loss. He established a monopoly of playing cards, imposed fines for excessive play, punished illicit combinations and frauds among the provision-dealers and the shops of that class: from all of which resulted the walls of Manila, which measured twelve thousand eight hundred and forty-nine geometric feet [i.e., Spanish feet], each foot being one tercia. To this he added his own careful oversight, and the assistance of the inhabitants, who aided willingly because of the request and example of their chief. The city had but one fort, and that badly constructed. He built another at the entrance to the river, to which he gave the name of Santiago, and enclosed the old one. He finished the cathedral, and, from the foundation, the church of Santa Potenciana, patroness of the island, as a shelter for women. Then he started the casting of cannon, and brought good artisans, who furnished the city with large and small artillery. He built galleys for the trade and commerce or merchandise—the subsistence of those lands. And in fulfilment of his promises in España, he cast his eyes on Ternate and all of Maluco, on the late disgrace and the unfortunate results of his predecessors who had attempted the conquest of that choice kingdom, and the punishments of its tyrants. He communicated these thoughts orally and by letters with zealous persons, more particularly with Marta, [282] a priest of the Society of Jesus, a serious and energetic man, whose experience and instruction had been of great use in those regions. This man gave him information, counsels, and helpers for the preparation and for the work. One of the latter was Brother Gaspar Gomez, a Spaniard, a lay religious of the same society. Among the many conferences that were held upon this matter, I find an exhortation from Father Antonio Marta, in a letter written from Tydore. As it is the original, and good for the better understanding, I will place it here, translated from the Portuguese….

[The letter above mentioned holds out to Dasmariñas the three inducements of service to the king, service to God, and personal ambition, in the proposed Molucca expedition. The war will be an arduous one, for "it will be fought not with the Ternatans alone, but with all the Moros of this archipelago," and the natives are brave and determined. "The people of Tydore already say that they do not want Spaniards in these regions," and Gomez Perez will find it prudent to dissemble with them, "so that they will not join the Ternatans." Father Marta sends a map of the archipelago, promises immense booty, and assures the governor of the prayers of the religious. This letter, and conferences with one Geronymo de Azevedo and Brother Gaspar Gomez, decided the governor to undertake the expedition. He sent Gaspar Gomez with instructions to visit and inspect various parts of the archipelago; and the latter visited Ternate, Tydore, Mindanao, both Javas, and other regions as far as Malaca. The rest of book five is taken up with a relation of Pedro de Acuña's services and his appointment to Cartagena in Nueva España.]

Conquest of the Malucas Islands
Book Sixth

Meanwhile Gomez Perez, attentive to his preparation, concealed his purpose, while not sparing the expenses pertaining to ships, food, and men. Among other supplies, he built four fine galleys. To man them—as is there reported—he employed a means that was considered severe. He ordered that the number of Indians sufficient to equip the galleys [283] be purchased from those who were the slaves of other Indian chiefs, and that the Spanish encomenderos should pay for these men from their own money. The price assigned for each Indian was two taes of gold—each tae being slightly more than one onza—the value formerly general among them for slaves. He promised that the sum spent by the encomenderos for that purpose would be repaid afterward from the royal exchequer. However, this did not seem any lessening of the severity, for he improperly called those Indians slaves; but [among themselves] their masters treat them and love them as children, feed them at their tables, and marry them to their daughters. Besides, slaves were then valued higher. To the anger of those who were about to be sold, was joined that of the encomenderos, who were obliged to contribute from their property for expenses—which, in their opinion, were not very necessary—and to offend their tributaries by forcibly seizing them; while they themselves would never collect the price they were paying in advance, which was [to them] the most certain thing. The governor gave out that those galleys were to assure the country and defend it from the danger that threatened; for he knew absolutely that the emperor of Japon was going to attack it with a huge war-fleet. Without galleys it could not be defended, and consequently he was forced to man them with those slaves, since other rowers were lacking. These slaves were not to be chained in the galley, or treated as convicts; but would receive so great kindness that they themselves would prefer that treatment to that of their owners, whom they already had as fathers and fathers-in-law. These arguments, and the pressing need for defense, silenced all objections. But they did not silence report, for already it was known that he had come from España, pledged to the king, his ministers, relatives, and backers, to the Ternate undertaking; and, although he concealed it, unknown authors divulged it. Yet some tried to persuade him not to entrust the defense of Filipinas to the Chinese or Sangleys, for no bond, natural or civil, had ever bound or attracted them to any love for the islands. They bade him remember the recent example of what those people did on an occasion on which they were employed by his predecessor, and to be on his guard against them. He [i.e., Vera], sending a reënforcement of men, ammunition, and food to the fort and settlement of Cagayàn—which is on the shore of that island of Luzon, eighty leguas from the city of Manila—inasmuch as he then had no ship in which to send them, and being constrained by his present necessity, thought that he could supply the deficiency by using for that purpose a ship of the Chinese, then anchored at that port and about to return to China. He ordered the reënforcement to be embarked on that boat and the Chinese to convey it; and to leave it, on passing, at its destination, since that was directly on their way. He promised the Chinese to recompense and reward them for that service. They offered to do it with great display of willingness, howbeit that their cunning was seen in the sequel, and what opportunity teaches to him that awaits it. The Chinese set sail, and on the second day, while our Spaniards were asleep, and quite sure of being among friends and faithful ones, the Chinese attacked them in the night, so suddenly that they could not defend themselves. They were all beheaded and thrown into the sea. The Chinese pillaged all their cargo, and after dividing the booty, sailed for their own country. They only kept with them one wretched Spanish woman who accompanied our men. They left her alive, but after having insulted and maltreated her, left her on the first Chinese shore that they reached. She went then to the magistrates there, and informed them of the treachery committed by those people, and of the violence that they had inflicted on her. But although the judges were courteous to her, no satisfaction was given her for her injuries, and she was unable to obtain justice. On the contrary they ordered her to be taken into the interior by certain agents, and delivered to other supreme judges. On that journey, which was very long and many leguas, she endured greater hardships—until some governors, taking compassion on her and her tears, took her to the city of Macao, where the Portuguese reside, and they set her at liberty. Through that means, the whole deed was learned, and was in the mouth of all in Manila; and upon the occasion of this expedition, they exaggerated it still more.