The Jesuit Gregorio Lopez relates (July 1, 1610) events in the islands for the past year. Rumors of an invasion by the Dutch cause Silva to fortify Cavite, hitherto unprotected. Several disasters befall the Spaniards—among them the treacherous murder of a large number of Spaniards by their Chinese and Japanese rowers; and the Chinese need to be pacified. During the latter part of 1609 and the early months of 1610 the Dutch squadron commanded by Francis de Wittert remains near Manila, capturing the Chinese and other vessels that trade with Luzon. Meanwhile, the Spaniards collect military supplies and make all other preparations for defense. On April 24 the Spanish squadron encounters that of the Dutch at Playa Honda, outside Manila Bay; after a hot contest in which Wittert is killed, the Dutch flagship surrenders, as does their almiranta; another ship is destroyed by fire, and the rest take to flight. Many ceremonies, both religious and secular, signalize the rejoicings in Manila over the victory of the Spaniards, as well at their mourning for the slain. Then the spoils of the conquered are distributed, amounting to nearly four hundred thousand pesos. Many of the Dutch heretic captives are reconciled to the Church through the ministrations of a Jesuit priest. Lopez relates various incidents connected with this war, and gives a vivid account of the perils and hardships of the ocean voyages, especially in relating the shipwreck on the Japan coast of the galleon “San Francisco.” A boat carrying supplies to the Jesuit mission at Maluco is captured by the Dutch and with it Father Masonio; but he escapes their hands, after many dangers. His companion, Father Gabriel de la Cruz, dies after a long sickness; and Antonio Pereira, sent to take his place, dies on the voyage. The Dutch pay a heavy ransom for their captive commander van Caerden.
Governor Silva advises the king (September 5, 1610) of affairs in the islands, especially of those in the Moluccas. The Dutch have regained everything there except the fort at Ternate; they have also secured a foothold in Japan, and are striving to do the same in China. If they obtain control of the trade from those countries, the Spanish colonies in India and the Philippines will be ruined. Accordingly, Silva is preparing to go, in conjunction with the Portuguese troops from India, against the Dutch, to recover the Moluccas. He will also take the captive Ternatan king back to his own country, as he promises to become a vassal of Spain and to refuse intercourse with the Dutch. Silva has, however, but little money for this expedition, for the royal treasury is heavily in debt. The king writes to Silva (December 7, 1610) ordering him to investigate the complaint of the Indians of Quiapo against the Jesuits.
The establishment of the college of Santo Tomás at Manila is begun in 1611 by the Dominicans, its foundation being a bequest left for this purpose by the late Archbishop Benavides, and certain other legacies. The articles of establishment and the endowment are presented, showing the funds, location, management, and character of the institution. It is provided, among other things, that if any ecclesiastical or secular power should claim jurisdiction over the conduct or property of the college, all the possessions of the college shall become the absolute property of the Dominican order and province.
The bishop of Nueva Caceres asks the king (July 20, 1611) for aid for the hospital there. In the same year, the king writes several letters to Silva. He orders the governor (November 12) to restrain, but with prudence, the arrogance of the religious; to check evasions of the laws regarding commerce, and to make certain regulations regarding the Mexican trade; to continue the prohibition of Japanese from residing in the islands; and to cease the military training hitherto given to the natives. On November 20 he sends an order to Silva to set at liberty van Caerden and other Dutchmen held captive in Manila, provided they shall not have given any cause for being recaptured. On December 19 he commands Silva to keep a squadron of ships on guard near the Luzón coast, to prevent the Dutch from plundering the vessels that go to the islands for trade. Letters from the king to the Dominican provincial at Manila (December 31) warn him to correct the lawless and disobedient proceedings of certain of his friars; to maintain amicable relations with the governor; and not to allow his friars to go to Japan without the governor’s permission (commands of like import with this last being sent also to the provincials of the other orders).
Interesting statistics of the houses and missions of the various religious orders in the islands are furnished (ca. 1612), at the royal command, by their superiors. The Augustinians enumerate fifty-six houses with one hundred and fifty-five priests and thirteen lay brethren. The Jesuits maintain two colleges (Manila and Cebú), six residences and two missions; in these are forty-five priests, twenty-eight lay brethren, eight novices, and eleven scholastics—in all ninty-two religious. Each “residence” is a center of missionary activity for all the Indian villages around it, in some of which are churches, and to others visits are paid more or less frequently by the fathers who live at the residence. The Franciscans have forty-eight houses in their missions to the Indians, and four in the Spanish towns; they also maintain six hospitals. They have one hundred and one priests and thirty-eight lay brethren, besides twenty-one religious in Japan. The Dominicans have eighteen houses, and one hospital, with sixty-two friars; besides these, they have three houses in Japan, with nine religious. The field occupied by the Augustinians is in Western Luzón, Panay, and Cebú; and the villages in which they minister number 58,800 tributes—which, at three persons to each tribute, means a population of 176,400 souls. The Jesuits conduct missions in Luzón, Panay, Leyte, Samar, Bohol, and adjacent islands; they have sixty-eight churches, besides those in Manila and Cebú, and are in charge of about 50,000 souls. The Franciscans have missions in Luzón, with 80,000 souls; also some in Maluco and Japan. The Dominicans also work in Luzón, ministering to somewhat more than 16,000 souls.
The viceroy of Peru writes to Felipe III (April 12, 1612) in regard to the Philippine-Mexican trade, giving his report and opinion, at the king’s command, regarding the request of the Sevilla merchants that the Philippine trade be taken from Mexico and transferred to Spain and Portugal. This letter is an interesting exposition of the theories regarding colonial administration then held by certain Spanish statesmen—and, more or less, of the policy then pursued by the Spanish government: for Montesclaros had already been a viceroy of Spanish colonies in America for nine years, at the time of this report, and was highly regarded by his home government. He describes the progress of commerce since the colonization of the New World began, and shows that the markets of the latter are overstocked with European merchandise, and thus the profits of the trade are greatly decreased. The viceroy carefully analyzes the proposal to transfer the Philippine trade to Spain, and shows its probable results. The Manila merchandise is almost entirely silk; this could be replaced in Mexico with the cotton fabrics made by the Indians in that country, and the silk industry might be introduced into Mexico and made a success there. Nevertheless, the Philippines would be injured by the suppression of their Mexican trade, and there would not even be a corresponding benefit to Spain. He has not much confidence in the disinterestedness of the Sevilla merchants, and refutes some of their arguments. The Spanish goods sent to Manila via Acapulco are mainly articles of luxury, and in small quantity; and the cloth stuffs of Spain are not desired in Japan or Luzón. He disapproves any course which would bring the Chinese silks into Spain, for thus the silk industry of that country would be ruined; moreover, the Chinese goods are poor and have little durability. Montesclaros emphatically denies that the stoppage of Philippine trade will materially affect the outflow of silver from Nueva España, or benefit Spain; and advises the king not to favor the Seville merchants or the Portuguese of India to the neglect of his Castilian subjects. He compares the advantages of the two routes between Manila and Spain, and considers that by the Pacific Ocean the better. The viceroy discusses the matter of sending reenforcements to the Philippines, and suggests that it might be advantageous to send troops to Acapulco via the Isthmus of Panama. He points out various dangers from the proposed suppression of he Philippine-Mexican trade.
The bishop of Nueva Segovia writes (August 15, 1613), apparently to some high official at the Spanish court, asking that aid may be furnished to the recently founded college of Santo Tomás. Soria complains of the Jesuits and the governor, who are opposing the Dominicans. More priests of that order (to which the writer belongs) are needed in the islands. Soria makes various accusations against the Augustinians and their leading officials, and recommends Aduarte and his mission to his correspondent’s favor.
Felipe III writes to Silva (December 2, 1613), directing him to send to Mexico all the quicksilver that he can procure in China. The king approves Silva’s acts in regard to Chinese immigration, and investigation of corrupt officials. He asks for further information as to Japanese trade, the treatment of the Indians by the religious, etc. One of the royal councils makes recommendations to the king—by communications dated respectively June 28, 1613, and July 1, 1616—that for the aged archbishop of Manila shall be appointed a coadjutor, who shall receive one-third of the former’s stipend, with certain fees. An abstract of a letter from the Jesuit Ledesma to Felipe III (August 20, 1616) presents a gloomy view of the condition of the islands. Their trade has greatly decreased; the expeditions against the Dutch have nearly ruined the citizens; the Indians are exhausted by the burdens and taxes levied upon them; and the islands are in constant peril and are frequently harassed by their numerous enemies. The king is asked to send aid for the colony without delay.
A prominent Jesuit in Manila, Juan de Ribera, writes (probably in 1616) an account of an expedition sent from India in 1615 for the aid of the Philippines. The Dutch are obtaining so firm a foothold in the Orient that the Spanish commerce is not only much decreased, but is in constant danger from the attacks of the “Dutch pirates.” Silva despatches Ribera to India, to ask from the viceroy aid for the Philippines; he sends with the envoy four galleons, which, after a voyage of many delays and hardships, reach Malacca. There they encounter a large Malay fleet, which they defeat, with great loss on both sides. A few weeks later a Dutch fleet arrives at Malacca, intending to unite with these very Malays; a fierce battle ensues, in which the Portuguese galleons are destroyed. In February 1616, Silva arives at Malacca with his fleet; but soon afterward he is attacked by a fever which causes his death (April 19). To this is added another version of Ribera’s letter, and a letter by Valerio de Ledesma—both obtained from Colin’s Labor evangelica. These cover the same ground as the preceding letter, but contain some matter not found therein, including an account of the battle at Playa Honda.
A biographical and chronological list of all the Spanish governors of the Philippines, from 1565 to 1898, is here presented. It is prepared by a careful collation, sifting, and verification of data obtained from the best authorities extant; and will be found useful for reference by general readers, as well as by students of history. This is followed by a law of 1664, providing for the government of the islands ad interim; and an extract from the Historia of the Jesuit Delgado (1751), “Some things worth knowing about the governors of the Filipinas Islands.” He says: “In no kingdom or province of the Spanish crown do the viceroys or governors enjoy greater privileges, superiority, and grandeur than in Filipinas.” Delgado moralizes on the qualifications necessary for such a post, illustrating his remarks by historical examples. He outlines the intercourse and relations of the Philippines with the peoples about them, and the conquests made by the Spanish colonial governors. Next is given a chapter from the Estado de las Islas Filipinas en 1842 of Sinibaldo de Mas—a Spanish diplomat who visited the islands—on “the administration of government and the captaincy-general” therein. He, too, describes the great authority and privilege of the governor of the Philippines; and outlines the plan of the general, provincial, and local governments. The mestizos, when numerous in any community, have their own separate government. As the cabezas de barangay and some members of their families are exempted from paying tributes, they form a privileged class which is a burden on the taxpayers—a serious defect in the system of government. A special arrangement is made for the Chinese residing in Manila, and they are enrolled and classified for the payment of taxes. Finally, a chapter on “the political and administrative organization of Filipinas” is presented, from Montero y Vidal’s Archipiélago filipino (1886). He devotes special attention to the subject of local government in the native towns; and explains why the Filipino natives are so anxious to obtain the post of gobernadorcillo. The writer describes the mode of dress and the customs in vogue among these local dignitaries, as well as their methods of administration. There are certain other petty officials, whose functions are described; and he ends by stating the powers and functions of the provincial rulers and those of the governor and captain-general of the islands, and sharply criticising “the vicious, anomalous, and unsuitable organization of the provinces of Filipinas.”