[Chapter i relates the voyage from Spain to Nueva España, in 1646, the ocean trip to Vera Cruz lasting sixty days. Thence journeying toward Mexico City (chapter ii), they reached the Dominican hospice of San Jacinto de Tacuba, outside the city walls. The last land journey, the one to Acapulco, was undertaken November 3, 1647. In chapter iii Navarrete gives a description of Acapulco. Its houses are all low, “the best ones built of mud, and all thatched with straw. Notwithstanding, for ours they demanded from us four hundred eight-real pieces. This seems incredible; but for me, who paid the money, it is more than certain.” “The port is the best and safest in the world, as was daily asserted by those persons who had seen many other ports. Of all that I have seen, and those have not been few, there is not one that can equal it. The fort is excellent, and has a battery of twelve first-class pieces [apostolado], so that it is impossible for any ship to enter the port without being sent to the bottom. The climate is infernal, in accordance with the name that it bears.”[2] After much delay a patache was finally secured which was going to carry the usual supplies to the Philippines, the religious (thirty in number) embarking April 8, 1648. The usual discomforts of the voyage were experienced, but the patache at last anchored at Lampon.]
At midnight the vendaval blew violently, and, as it came from the land, our anchors dragged, and we were driven out to sea. One would believe that a special providence of God sent that wind in order to prevent the enemy from entering and seizing everything. Next day the money was made safe, as were also the goods of his Majesty and those of private persons; and an attempt was made to hide the patache back of an islet so that the enemy could not discover it, even though they might enter the same port. We [religious] set out for Manila, and along the way heard of the singular joy caused by our unexpected arrival, which had been hoped for or imagined by no one. That great joy was somewhat tempered because the enemy quite accidentally discovered the patache, and hastened against it with men and arms. Our men being poorly prepared, and not in harmony, and the commander being but a sorry soldier, they burned the patache before they ought to have done so; and in one half hour his Majesty lost 36,000 pesos, and those in the patache some credit and reputation.
[8]. We continued on our way for four days, on foot—not by the road, for there is none, but over inaccessible high rocks, crags, and passes. We crossed several rivers by swimming, and forded others with the water up to our breasts. In the mountains (which are very high, and covered thickly with trees) we found so many leeches that we could find no relief or means by which to free ourselves from them, and there was no one who did not lose blood from his body. I affirm with all truth that I saw one which was burrowing, head first, half-way through my shoe, and I cried out to some persons to look at that prodigy; and in fact they did look at it in surprise at such a thing. The rain fell in great streams from the sky. At the coming of night, we halted where it overtook us. The Indians covered over some rude huts with palm leaves, and there we slept upon the grass and the ground soaked with water. On the last day we descended a hill two leguas in length, although some said it was longer. Although it took us three days to ascend that ridge, we descended it in one. It was very rough in parts, and the rain came down steadily, so that we slipped at every step without being able to do anything else. I assert that I saw some of my associates who sat down and allowed themselves to be carried, not a small distance, by the currents of the water. And yet they were so joyful and happy that one cannot easily imagine their delight.
9. We reached Apanguiel (where there is a very fine convent of our father St. Francis) so wet, dirty, tired, and hungry, that all the welcome that was shown us there was needed in order that we might remain men visible to human eyes. The reception accorded us was, I presume, in accordance with the charity of those servants of God. Next day two fathers came thither from Manila, and we had thereupon another consolation. Another, the father guardian Fray Lucas de N. took four of us to his convent. He had a very fine church, and a good enough house, while the site was the best and pleasantest that could be thought of or imagined. It is located on a height, and the whole lake of Bay (which is thirty leguas in circumference) and some islands in its midst, could be seen from a balcony. Land and mountains could be seen on all sides, with thickets, palm-groves, banana-groves, rivers, and creeks, which was wonderfully pleasing to the sight. After that we visited other convents; and all that we saw was novel and wonderful to us. We departed for Manila in two boats, and, crossing the bay, spent the night at Binangoa, where the father guardian, Fray Francisco N. gave us a fine welcome. Next night, we continued our voyage to the entrance of the lake, where ten boats from Manila were awaiting us, which were manned by Chinese, mestizos, and Indians. We said mass, and, having embarked, descended the river to the festal accompaniment of fire-crackers, small gongs, and arquebuses. The gongs of the Chinese were very amusing to us; for, though they were no larger than a barber’s basin, they made as much sound as a large bell. It is a wonderful instrument. The river is one of the most beautiful in the world. That of Goa is wider and deeper, but the former is more adorned with palaces, gardens, villages, and churches. We entered some palaces which would be a wonder to any European. We reached the bridge of Manila, which is a famous work. We saw it filled with people of various nationalities. We entered our convent amid the pealing of bells, and there we immediately visited the most sacred and miraculous image of our Lady of the Rosary, the consolation of all that community, and of all those islands also, in all extremities and necessities. Its sight alone cheered our souls, and made us forget all our past hardships. The father provincial conceded to us, as a great treat and privilege, one week of matins. The fathers of other missions say that only three days had been set aside for them, so that the time given to us seemed very liberal. In truth, some assisted in the choir that same night; but my spirit was not so fervent that it ventured to so much.
CHAPTER IIII
Of my stay in Manila
1. Don Diego Faxardo Chacon was governor of the islands. That gentleman had great gifts for government, for he had a horror of money and of women. One day father Fray Andres Gomez, a religious of my order, took him a bit of the lignum crucis [i.e., wood of the cross] set in gold. He valued it highly, but refused to receive the relic until the gold was taken away. He was very retiring, and gave ear to no one save Manuel Estacio de Venegas. The latter grew so haughty by reason of the favoritism and power that he possessed, that he dominated everything as a despot. He was feared by all people, no less than was Nero in his time; but well did he rue it afterward. Don Diego Faxardo had kept Don Sebastian de Corcuera a prisoner already for five years. Strange reversal of fortune that! Don Sebastian was the most feared, and the most haughty and absolute governor that has ever been in those islands. In his time happened that exile of the archbishop which caused so much comment among all those nations. He undertook the Jolo war, in which the nobility of Manila were destroyed. The island of Hermosa was lost by his neglect and carelessness in sending reënforcements, as was stated by all people there. He amassed untold wealth. He was sent a prisoner to Nueva España, and then to Madrid, where it is said that he negotiated advantageously. They were expecting in Manila different news from that which arrived, of the condition of his affairs. I know well that they have written that he was a very disinterested man, but the author does not prove the statement further than by saying so. I read in a document that Don Sebastian de Corcuera purged himself of that charge by saying that he had amassed his wealth with the pay given him by his Majesty. But another document presents the following argument. First, that governors cannot trade and traffic with the pay given them by his Majesty. Second, that it is impossible to gain with his pay what he spent in the monstrance which was recently taken to his Majesty; what was lost in the ship wrecked at the Ladrones, and what was burned at Acapulco; and the money that he possessed in Mexico, with the large sums taken from him in Burgos. Nor can it be inferred that he was a good governor, because he acted as a good Christian after he left the islands. Nor does there follow any other inconvenience from making known the truth with good zeal than the fact that those who do not wish to know it are not pleased to hear it. While Estacio de Venegas was a citizen of Manila, he was liked by all; but, when he became the favorite, he was hated. It makes a great difference whether one is in the position or not, in order that he may govern himself according to his natural disposition. Don Sebastian was the one who instituted the vandalas (this is a name given by the natives, and signifies repartimiento), which have destroyed all the Indians. In order that one may understand what they are, I will explain them here in a few words. I assume, at the start, that it is a great piece of ignorance to attribute this repartimiento to Don Sabiniano Manrique de Lara, or to make him its author. When that gentleman assumed the government, the Indians must have been paying the vandalas for fourteen or more years; then how could he have originated them? For, in the term of that gentleman, Pampanga rose in insurrection in order not to pay that tax. Someone, or several people, new to the country, must have invented what was afterward declared with the mouth. It is true that that insurrection caused Don Sabiniano to give the Indians a great sum of pesos on account of what was owing to them, as I was told afterward; but that was to pay [their just due], which has nothing to do with saying that he invented that imposition. In fine, after the Indian has paid his tribute, helped in the cutting of wood, and rendered personal services (which are numerous), levies on the provinces are made each year. For example, Pampanga is assessed twenty-four thousand fanegas of rice at the price of two or two and one-half reals per fanega, as it is for his Majesty; and it is placed on credit until such time as God pleases.[3] That quota [of rice] is apportioned among the Indians of that province, and is collected with great rigor, and with many deceits which the officials[4] who exact it practice. [This levy] costs him to whom three fanegas are allotted at least one-half fanega more than he gives in his measure; and him who gives six, one fanega more, and so on. This is what is called vandala, and this is what they [i.e., the Spaniards] have paid for so many years—whence it follows that the Indians leave the islands, as I shall relate in another part, and that they refuse to sow their fields, as I myself have heard. It is an evident fact that if once in a while that assessment were to be levied on the account of the tribute, or if they were exempted from personal services, the Indians would be very happy and satisfied. But how can this continue all the years? and how can there be money in the treasury to pay the employees, officials, and leaders, and to meet other expenses, when there is never any money to pay for what is bought from the Indians? If the Indians die on account of this and other things, of what use will that country be, and what will the Spaniards do there?
3 [i.e., 2]. The greatest hardship that we religious endure in the villages of the Indians is the sight of their sufferings, and the effort to seek means and methods to console them. It happens (as it happened in my time) that the rice-crop in a village was ruined (this is a quite usual occurrence, because of the rats which eat it, and at other times for the lack of water, and at others because the sea rises and overflows their fields) so that it was impossible to pay even the tribute. That was explained to the alcalde-mayor, and a petition was presented to the governor. But nothing had any effect, and the Indians had to purchase the rice at four reals per fanega, and gave it to his Majesty on credit that would never be paid, at two and one-half reals [per fanega]. Surely, the paternal compassion of our most Catholic kings would not permit such things if they had any knowledge of them. It would be better for the Indians that the governors should support them, and that they should work during the whole year for the tribute and vandalas, than that they should be treated as they are today. It is a great misfortune that the Tartar protects so well the Chinese, his vassals, while our people try to escape from caring for the vassals of our king and sovereign, although his will has been so often declared and charged upon them. It is no wonder that those islands are so exhausted, although it is a land which in every way is exceedingly good, abundant, and fertile.
[3]. If I were to mention special cases I would never finish. In my time I know well that an alcalde-mayor of Ilocos squeezed fourteen thousand pesos from his district in two years. In how good condition must the Indians and their land have remained! It would be well for those who write and have written from there to speak clearly and specifically of things and persons, and not in general and in loose terms, thus giving opportunity to blame the innocent or to clear the guilty. That ought to be a special end or desire. Everyone knows how disinterestedly our province lives and has lived in that land, and that it has never allowed the slightest income as dues of the Indians whom it administers. It has never received them, but has always been satisfied with the alms which both the Spaniards and the natives of the country freely give. In that way have they maintained themselves, while with the alms given them by his Majesty (may God preserve him) they have clothed themselves, and nothing has been wanting. It is necessary to declare who does it, in order not to injure all....