38. If the foreigners had these trees, they would have already introduced in the world the use of this commodity, with enormous profits; and we, if we possessed industry, and zeal for the interests of the nation, would have been able with this tree, to lessen the consumption of the cinnamon and cloves of the Dutch. Let these points be considered, and the advantages will be recognized which can assuredly be expected by the company which may be formed in these islands—regarding it as certain that nothing will make progress, except by this means; rather, this colony will in a little while go wretchedly to destruction, without the least hope for its reëstablishment.
39. By way of conclusion to this chapter, I will note as the last (and an important) advantage of the aforesaid company the conspicuously fair treatment and friendly reception which the Spaniards have experienced, and may expect, throughout India. Our silver [money] is in good repute in all regions, and those peoples, especially the Chinese and the princes of India, show the greatest eagerness and make great efforts to obtain it, as being the most valuable for them; and, although the Dutch, English, French and other powers trade in this part of the world with our pesos, the Spanish ships are always better received in those ports, because they carry more silver and more products of these islands, which are held in very evident esteem.
40. Since I have been in Manila, I have seen only the traders from Canton and Emui in China visit this port,[46] except the ship “Guadalupe,” which went to the [Malabar?] Coast; and through its captain and officers I have heard of the friendly reception which they met in all the ports of India. But in other days the commerce of this colony was more extensive. In China it was established in the year 1598, and has been maintained without interruption; the king of Camboja asked this government for aid, and it was sent to him in the year 1594, leaving commerce with that country established. In the same year the king of Siam sent an embassy to open commerce with these islands, and in 1599 the said commerce was actually begun, by vessels which went from these islands, and which came from Siam, with which country the Spaniards have maintained the most friendly relations. This was recently experienced in the case of the ship which was built there in the year 53, by order of our governor the Marques de Ovando, who sent thither letters for the said king of Siam; and the latter, in virtue of these, furnished a sufficient sum of money, and gave all the other assistance which they asked from him. In the year 718, the same king of Siam granted a piece of land, in order that the Spaniards might establish a trading-post there.
41. In the year 1596, commerce with these islands was established in Cochinchina, and the Spaniards declined to establish a trading-post [on the land] which this king afterward bestowed upon them. In Tunquin also the Spaniards undertook their commerce; and in Zurrate, Vengala, and other kingdoms of India, both Moorish and heathen, they have been equally well received. Although, on account of the reverses of this commonwealth and the lack of courage in its merchants, the Spaniards have given up this commerce for several years past, it cannot be doubted that the aforesaid company has the opportunity to establish itself advantageously, furnishing a market for the products of these islands, bringing hither those of the said kingdoms, and establishing (if that shall be expedient) some trading-posts—with which their purchases will be at more reasonable prices, and their gains in España and Nueva España more assured.
42. Here at the same time another advantage presents itself. The commerce which now is carried on with Acapulco by private persons suffers many losses, occasioned by the unsuccessful fairs there. These losses originate in the necessity of selling the goods in order to send back [to Manila] the money that they produce; for even if the merchants lose in the sale something on the principal which they shipped, it is necessary to sell their goods in order to repay what they obtained from the obras pias for their investments. If the goods are left in Nueva España, in order to take advantage of an opportunity for better sale, they cannot meet the cost of the expenses, and here find themselves tormented by their creditors. The company cannot be placed in such straits, but will always sell their wares to advantage and profit; for when in Acapulco they do not obtain good returns on the merchandise, they can transfer it to the storehouse which they will have to establish in Mexico. This expedient alone will be sufficient to induce the Mexicans to make strenuous endeavors to be preferred in the sale at the said port, because they will not deceive the said company as they now do private persons, acting aggressively against them, in order to fix arbitrarily the prices of their goods—constrained as our merchants are to sell them, on account of the limitation of the time [of the fair], since the galleons ought to sail from the said port by the twenty-fifth of March.
43. I will conclude this chapter with the authority of the celebrated Don Geronimo Ustariz,[47] who, although he disapproves the commerce [managed] by companies in España and the Americas, considers it expedient in these islands; and indeed, when his arguments against the establishment of the said companies are examined, it will be seen that they do not apply to this commerce—where, on the contrary, it will be seen that not even the least progress can be secured, unless the company of which I am speaking be formed.
44. The same author, speaking of the commerce in spices, is inclined to think that it ought to be carried on directly by the Spaniards, by the same route which other nations adopt for it, arranging the purchases in these islands in order to supply the Americas and all España by the ports of Acapulco, Panama, and Portovelo. This exhibits the utility of what I have herein set forth, for it is confirmed by the three most earnest and distinguished Spaniards of this century, to wit, the Visconde del Puerto, Don Miguel de Zabala, and Don Geronimo Ustariz. But I am surprised that this last-named writer, who treats the subject of commerce so extensively and so acutely, with the greatest erudition and knowledge of whatever there is to be known of foreign nations and countries, should be ignorant that these islands produce in abundance cinnamon, pepper, and nutmeg, which, without the necessity of buying it from the Dutch, we can use for our benefit, in order to supply all our own dominions. This is a proof that the Spaniards of Philipinas do not apply themselves to becoming acquainted with this country, in order to make known its products; and that they would not be [thus] ignorant if the alcaldes-mayor would make reports—one to their successors, and another to the government—of the condition of each province, as I advised his Majesty in the past year of 1760.
Chapter Fifth: Of the extension which the commerce of the aforesaid company can enjoy
1–3. [Viana makes remonstrance against “the limitations and restrictions with which the commerce of the Spaniards is established.” These only enable foreigners to compete with them to greater advantage, and increase the gains of foreign traders. He adduces the examples of other nations in support of his position that commerce ought to be extended and freed from restrictions, as far as possible; and complains that Spaniards only are forbidden to trade with each other, in the colonies of that monarchy. (Section 3.) “The argument for this is apparently founded on the exportation of silver, and on the opposition made by the merchants of Cadiz, who are misled by foreigners, and that of the officials at Acapulco, who find their advantage in the said limitation. Those merchants are always inveighing against the injuries that result to their trade, and the check to our [Spanish] manufactures, with which arguments they have always tried to bring about the ruin of this [Philippine] commerce; but I will see if I cannot overthrow these arguments.”]
4. All the silver that is coined in the dominions of España comes to a halt in foreign kingdoms, among our greatest enemies. The treasures of the Indias pass through the aqueduct of Cadiz, without leaving even a trace on the conduits of the Spanish merchants, as can be demonstrated by [comparing] the riches that the Indias have produced, and the poverty of the Spaniards. Upon this point I refer to what Don Miguel de Zavala says in his memorial; and that which the celebrated Macanaz has written on the same subject ought to be printed on plates of gold, or, better, in the hearts of our sovereigns and their ministers of state, in order to cure the wounds of their vassals with the remedies which he proposes. For if all the silver is carried away from the dominions of España, what more will she have, whether it go by way of Acapulco or by way of Cadiz? I assert that in Cadiz the commerce of the foreigners is greater than that of the Spaniards: the latter (with the exception of some strong business houses, which have been built up in this century) support themselves by being figureheads[48] for the former, who cannot possess the commerce in their own behalf or in their own persons. This is disclosed by the “Universal dictionary of commerce,” in praising the good Catholic Spaniards in this illicit mode of carrying on business—which is the same as regarding them as being, even if not traitors, at least disobedient to their king. Here is seen the interested motive for [the claim] that the silver should not be exported by way of Acapulco, but that all should go to Cadiz, into the power of the foreigners—who are the ones who, in reality and with hidden hand, have always made opposition to this commerce of Manila.