CONTENTS
| PAGE | ||
| PART I—PRINCIPLES OF THE SETTLEMENT: ECONOMIC | ||
| Problems of Economic Opportunity, by John A. Hobson | [3] | |
| Trade as a Cause of War, by H. N. Brailsford | [9] | |
| Economic Imperialism, by H. N. Brailsford | [15] | |
| The Problem of Diplomacy, by Walter Lippmann | [22] | |
| Socialists and Imperialism, by William English Walling | [33] | |
| The Higher Imperialism, from the New Republic | [38] | |
| PRINCIPLES OF THE SETTLEMENT: POLITICAL | ||
| Nationality and the Future, by Arnold J. Toynbee | [43] | |
| Nationality and Sovereignty, by Arnold J. Toynbee | [57] | |
| The Governmental Theory, by G. Lowes Dickinson | [70] | |
| The Way Out of War, by G. Lowes Dickinson | [76] | |
| Lowes Dickinson’s Plan, from the New Republic | [81] | |
| The Morrow of the War, by the Union of Democratic Control | [86] | |
| No Peace Without Federation, by Charles W. Eliot | [108] | |
| PART II. A LEAGUE OF PEACE | ||
| Bases for Confederation, by John A. Hobson | [119] | |
| Existing Alliances and a League of Peace, by John Bates Clark | [135] | |
| Protection of Small Nations, by Charles W. Eliot | [143] | |
| A League to enforce Peace, by A. Lawrence Lowell | [148] | |
| The Constitution of a League, by Hamilton Holt | [160] | |
| Pacifism and the League of Peace, from the New Republic | [164] | |
| The Economic Boycott, by John A. Hobson | [174] | |
| Economic Coercion, by Norman Angell | [184] | |
| World-Organization and Peace, by A. A. Tenney | [189] | |
| PART III. TOWARDS THE FUTURE | ||
| The New Outlook, by Nicholas Murray Butler | [203] | |
| Above the Battle, by Romain Rolland | [205] | |
| The New Idealism, by Rudolf Eucken | [214] | |
| The Future of Patriotism, by Walter Lippmann | [217] | |
| The Future of Civilization, by A. E. Zimmern | [221] | |
| Towards the Peace that Shall Last, by Jane Addams and Others | [230] | |
| APPENDIX: PEACE PROPOSALS AND PROBLEMS | ||
| I International | ||
| 1. | Ford Neutral Conference at Stockholm | [243] |
| 2. | Central Organization for a Durable Peace | [247] |
| 3. | Union of International Associations | [248] |
| 4. | International Bureau of Peace | [249] |
| 5. | International Congress of Women | [250] |
| 6. | Conference of Socialists of Allied Nations | [259] |
| 7. | Conference of Socialists of Neutral Nations | [261] |
| II United States | ||
| 8. | League to Enforce Peace | [264] |
| 9. | National Peace Convention | [264] |
| 10. | World Peace Foundation | [266] |
| 11. | American School Peace League | [267] |
| 12. | Women’s Peace Party | [268] |
| 13. | New York Peace Society | [270] |
| 14. | Socialist Party of America | [271] |
| 15. | David Starr Jordan | [273] |
| 16. | Nicholas Murray Butler | [275] |
| 17. | Chamber of Commerce of the United States | [276] |
| III Great Britain | ||
| 18. | Union of Democratic Control | [277] |
| 19. | Fabian Society | [278] |
| 20. | Independent Labor Party | [296] |
| 21. | National Peace Council | [298] |
| 22. | Women’s Movement for Constructive Peace | [298] |
| 23. | Australian Peace Alliance | [300] |
| 24. | Charles Roden Buxton | [301] |
| 25. | H. N. Brailsford | [302] |
| IV Germany | ||
| 26. | German and Austro-Hungarian Socialists | [306] |
| 27. | “Deutsche Friedensgesellschaft” | [306] |
| 28. | Manifesto by Eighty-eight Professors and Statesmen | [308] |
| 29. | South German Social Democrats | [310] |
| 30. | German Socialists | [310] |
| 31. | Peace Manifesto of Socialists | [311] |
| 32. | Dr. Bernhard Dernburg | [314] |
| 33. | Prof. L. Quidde | [316] |
| 34. | Ed. Bernstein | [317] |
| V France | ||
| 35. | General Confederation of Labor | [322] |
| VI Switzerland | ||
| 36. | Swiss Peace Society | [323] |
| 37. | Swiss Committee for Study of Principles of Durable Treaty of Peace | [323] |
| VII Holland | ||
| 38. | Nederlandsche Anti-Oorlog Raad (Dutch Anti-War Council) | [325] |
| VIII Norman Angell on Differential Neutrality for America | [326] | |
| Index | [333] | |
INTRODUCTION
When the storm has gone by and the skies after clearing have softened, we may discover that a corrected perspective is the result of the war that we are most conscious of. Familiar presumptions will appear foreshortened, and new distances of fact and possibility will lie before us.
Before the fateful midsummer of 1914 the most thoughtful part of mankind confidently held a lot of agreeable presumptions which undoubtedly influenced individual and collective conduct. The more intangible of them were grouped under such name symbols as “idealism,” “humanitarian impulse,” “human brotherhood,” “Christian civilization.” The workaday ones were pigeonholed under the rubric: “enlightened economic interest.” Between the practical and the aspirational were distributed all the excellent Aristotelian middle course presumptions of the “rule of reason” order.
And why not? The nineteenth century had closed in a blaze of scientific glory. By patient inductive research the human mind had found out nature’s way on earth and in the heavens, and with daring invention had turned knowledge to immediate practical account. The struggle for existence had become a mighty enterprise of progress. Steam and electricity had brought the utmost parts of the world together. Upon substantial material foundations the twentieth century would build a world republic, wherein justice should apportion abundance.
Upon presumption we reared the tower of expectation.
Yet on the horizon we might have seen—some of us did see—a thickening haze and warning thunderheads. Not much was said about them, but to some it seemed that the world behaved as if it felt the tension of a rising storm. With nervous eagerness the nations pushed their way into the domains of the backward peoples. They sought concessions, opportunities for investment, command of resources, exclusive trade, spheres of influence. Private negotiations were backed by diplomacy, and year after year diplomacy was backed by an ever more impressive show of naval and military power.