About 1846 an important modification of the system of these societies was introduced, by the invention of the "permanent" plan, which was adopted by a great number of the societies established after that date. It was seen that these societies really consist of two classes of members; that those who do not care to have, or have not yet received, an advance upon mortgage security are mere investors, and that it matters little when they commence investing, or to what amount; while those to whom advances have been made are really debtors to the society, and arrangements for enabling them to pay off their debt in various terms of years, according to their convenience, would be of advantage both to themselves and the society. By permitting members to enter at any time without back-payment, and by granting advances for any term of years agreed upon, a continuous inflow of funds, and a continuous means of profitable investment of them, would be secured. The interest of each member in the society would terminate when his share was realized, or his advance paid off, but the society would continue with the accruing subscriptions of other members employed in making other advances.

Under this system building societies largely increased and developed. The royal commissioners who inquired into the subject in 1872 estimated the total assets of the societies in 1870 at 17 millions, and their annual income at 11 millions. The more complete returns, afterwards obtained, indicate that this was an under-estimate.

A variety of the terminating class of societies met at one time with considerable favour under the name of "Starr Bowkett" or "mutual" societies, of which more than a thousand were established. They differed from the typical society above described, in the contribution of a member who had not received an advance being much smaller, while the amount of the advance was much larger, and it was made without any calculation of interest. Thus a society issued, say, 500 shares, on which the contributions were to be 1s. 3d. per week, and, as soon as a sum of £300 accumulated allotted it by ballot to one of the shareholders, on condition that he was to repay it without interest by instalments in 10 or 12½ years, and at the same time to keep up his share-contributions. The fortunate recipient of the appropriation was at liberty to sell it, and frequently did so at a profit; but (except from fines) no profit whatever was earned by those who did not succeed in getting an appropriation, and as the number of members successful in the ballot must necessarily be small in the earlier years of the society, the others frequently became discontented and retired. These societies could not borrow money, for as they received no interest they could not pay any. The plan was afterwards modified by granting the appropriations alternately by ballot and sale, so that by the premiums paid on the sales (which are the same in effect as payments of interest on the amount actually advanced) profits might be earned for the investing members. The formation of societies of this class ceased on the passing of the act of 1894, by which balloting for advances was prohibited in societies thereafter established. A further modification of the "mutual" plan was to make all the appropriations by sale. The effect of this was to bring the mutual society back to the ordinary form; for it amounts to precisely the same thing for a man to pay 10s. a month on a loan of £60 for 14 years, as for him to borrow a nominal sum of £84 for the same period, repayable in the same manner, but to allow £24 off the loan as a "bidding" at the sale. The only difference between the two classes of societies is that the interest which the member pays who bids for his advance depends on the amount of competition at the bidding, and is not fixed by a rule of the society.

For several years the progress of building societies in general was steady, but there were not wanting signs that their prosperity was unsubstantial. A practice of receiving deposits repayable at call had sprung up, which must lead to embarrassment where the funds are invested in loans repayable during a long term of years. It was surmised, if not actually known, that many societies had large amounts of property on their hands, which had been reduced into possession in consequence of the default of borrowers in paying their instalments. A practice had also grown up of establishing mushroom societies, which did little more than pay fees to the promoters. The vicious system of trafficking in advances that had been awarded by ballot, near akin to gambling, prevailed in many societies. These signs of weakness had been observed by the well-informed, and the disastrous failure of a large society incorporated under

the act of 1874, the Liberator, which had in fact long ceased to do any genuine building society business, hastened the crisis.

This society had drawn funds to the amount of more than a million sterling from provident people in The "Liberator." all classes of the population and all parts of the country by specious representations, and had applied those funds not to the legitimate purpose of a building society, but to the support of other undertakings in which the same persons were concerned who were the active managers of the society. The consequence was that the whole group of concerns became insolvent (Oct. 1892), and the Liberator depositors and shareholders were defrauded of every penny of their investments. Many of them suffered great distress from the loss of their savings, and some were absolutely ruined. The result was to weaken confidence in building societies generally, and this was very marked in the rapid decline of the amount of the capital of the incorporated building societies. From its highest point (nearly 54 millions) reached in 1887, it fell to below 43 millions in 1895. On some societies, which had adopted the deposit system, a run was made, and several were unable to stand it. The Birkbeck Society was for two days besieged by an anxious crowd of depositors clamouring to withdraw their money; but luckily for that society, and for the building societies generally, a very large portion of its funds was invested in easily convertible securities, and it was enabled by that means to get sufficient assistance from the Bank of England to pay without a moment's hesitation every depositor who asked for his money. Its credit was so firmly established by this means that many persons sought to pay money in. Had this very large society succumbed, the results would have been disastrous to the whole body of building societies. As the case stood, the energetic means it adopted to save its own credit reacted in favour of the societies generally.

The Liberator disaster convinced everybody that something must be done towards avoiding such calamities in the future. The government of the day brought in a bill for that purpose, and several private members also prepared measures—most of them more stringent than the government bill. All the bills were referred to a select committee, of which Mr Herbert Gladstone was the chairman. As the result of the deliberations of the committee, the Building Societies Act of 1894 was passed. Meanwhile the Rt. Hon. W.L. Jackson (afterwards Lord Allerton), a member of the committee, moved for an address to the crown for a return of the property held in possession by building societies. This was the first time such a return had been called for, and the managers of the societies much resented it; there were no means of enforcing the return, and the consequence was that many large societies failed to make it, notwithstanding frequent applications by the registrar. The act provided that henceforth all incorporated societies should furnish returns in a prescribed form, including schedules showing respectively the mortgages for amounts exceeding £5000; the properties of which the societies had taken possession for more than twelve months through default of the mortgagors; and the mortgages which were more than twelve months in arrear of repayment subscription. The act did not come into operation till the 1st of January 1895, and the first complete return under it was not due till 1896, when it appeared that the properties in possession at the time of Mr Jackson's return must have been counted for at least seven and a half millions in the assets of the societies. In a few years after the passing of the act the societies reduced their properties in possession from 14% of the whole of the mortgages to 5%, or, in other words, reduced them to one-third of the original amount, from 7½ millions to 2½ millions. Though this operation must have been attended with some sacrifice in many societies, upon the whole the balance of profit has increased rather than diminished. Thus this provision of the act, though it greatly alarmed the managers of societies, was really a blessing in disguise. The act also gave power to the registrar, upon the application of ten members, to order an inspection of the books of a society, but it did not confer upon individual members the right to inspect the books, which would have been more effective. It empowered the registrar, upon the application of one-fifth of the members, to order an inspection upon oath into the affairs of a society, or to investigate its affairs with a view to dissolution, and even in certain cases to proceed without an application from members. It gave him ample powers to deal with a society which upon such investigation proved to be insolvent, and these were exercised so as to procure the cheap and speedy dissolution of such societies. It also prohibited the future establishment of societies making advances by ballot, or dependent on any chance or lot, and provided an easy method by which existing societies could discontinue the practice of balloting. This method has been adopted in a few instances only. The act, or the circumstances which led to it, has greatly diminished the number of new societies applying for registry.

The statistics of building societies belonging to all the three classes mentioned show that there were on the 31st of December 1904, 2118 societies in existence in the United Kingdom. Of these, 2075, having 609,785 members, made returns. Their gross receipts for the financial year were £38,729,009, and the amount advanced on mortgage during the year was £9,589,864. The capital belonging to their members was £39,408,430, and the undivided balance of profit £4,004,547. Their liabilities to depositors and other creditors were £24,838,290. To meet this they had mortgages on which £53,196,112 was due, but of this £2,443,255 was on properties which had been in possession more than a year, and £222,444 on mortgages which had fallen into arrear more than a year. Their other assets were £14,952,485, and certain societies showed a deficit balance which in the aggregate was £102,670. As compared with 1895, when first returns were obtained from unincorporated societies, these figures show an increase in income of 30%, in assets of 23%, and in profit balances of 46%, and a diminution of the properties in possession and mortgages in arrear of 14% in the nine years. The total assets and income are more than three times the amount of the conjectural estimate made for 1870 by the royal commission. It is not too much to say that a quarter of a million persons have been enabled by means of building societies to become the proprietors of their own homes.

In recent years, several rivals to building societies have sprung up. Friendly societies have largely taken to investing their surplus funds in loans to members on the building society principle. Industrial and provident land and building societies have been formed. The legislature has authorized local authorities to lend money to the working classes to enable them to buy their dwelling-houses. Bond and investment companies have been formed under the Companies Acts, and are under no restriction as to balloting for appropriation. All these have not yet had any perceptible effect in checking the growth of the building society movement, and it is not thought that they will permanently do so.

British Colonies.—In several of the British colonies, legislation similar to that of the mother country has been adopted. In Victoria, Australia, a crisis occurred, in which many building societies suffered severely. In the other Australian colonies the building society movement has made progress, but not to a very large extent. In the Dominion of Canada these societies are sometimes called "loan companies" and are not restricted in their investments to loans on real estates, but about 90% of their advances are on that security. At the close of the year 1904 their liabilities to stockholders exceeded £13,000,000, and to the public £21,000,000. The uncalled capital was £5,000,000. The balance of current loans was £28,000,000, and the property owned by the societies exceeded £7,000,000.