Under the Venetian government Candia, a fortress originally built by the Saracens, and called by them “Khandax,” became the seat of government, and not only rose to be the capital and chief city of the island, but actually gave name to it, so that it was called in the official language of Venice “the island of Candia,” a designation which from thence passed into modern maps. The ancient name of Krete or Kriti was, however, always retained in use among the Greeks, and is gradually resuming its place in the usage of literary Europe. The government of Crete by the Venetian aristocracy was, like that of their other dependencies, very arbitrary and oppressive, and numerous insurrections were the consequence. Daru, in his history of Venice, mentions fourteen between the years 1207 and 1365, the most important being that of 1361-1364,—a revolt not of the natives against the rule of their Venetian masters, but of the Venetian colonists against the republic. But with all its defects their administration did much to promote the material prosperity of the country, and to encourage commerce and industry; and it is probable that the island was more prosperous than at any subsequent time. Their Venetian masters at least secured to the islanders external tranquillity, and it is singular that the Turks were content to leave them in undisturbed possession of this opulent and important island for nearly two centuries after the fall of Constantinople. The Cretans themselves, however, were eager for a change, and, disappointed in the hope of a Genoese occupation, were ready, as is stated in the report of a Venetian commissioner, to exchange the rule of the Venetians for that of the Turks, whom they fondly expected to find more lenient, or at any rate less energetic, masters. It was not till 1645 that the Turks made any serious attempt to effect the conquest of the island; but in that year they landed with an army of 50,000 men, and speedily reduced the important city of Canea. Retimo fell the following year, and in 1648 they laid siege to the capital city of Candia. This was the longest siege on record, having been protracted for more than twenty years; but in 1667 it was pressed with renewed vigour by the Turks under the grand vizier Ahmed Kuprili, and the city was at length compelled to surrender (September 1669). Its fall was followed by the submission of the whole island. Venice was allowed to retain possession of Grabusa, Suda and Spinalonga on the north, but in 1718 these three strongholds reverted to the Turks, and the island was finally lost to Venice.
From this time Crete continued subject to Ottoman rule without interruption till the outbreak of the Greek revolution. After the conquest a large part of the inhabitants embraced Mahommedanism, and thus secured to themselves the chief share in the administration of the island. But far from this having a favourable effect upon the condition of the population, the result was just the contrary, and according to R. Pashley (Travels in Crete, 1837) Crete was the worst governed province of the Turkish empire. In 1770 an abortive attempt at revolt, the hero of which was “Master” John, a Sphakiot chief, was repressed with great cruelty. The regular authorities sent from Constantinople were wholly unable to control the excesses of the janissaries, who exercised without restraint every kind of violence and oppression. In 1813 the ruthless severity of the governor-general, Haji Osman, who obtained the co-operation of the Christians, broke the power of the janissaries; but after Osman had fallen a victim to the suspicions of the sultan, Crete again came under their control. When in 1821 the revolution broke out in continental Greece, the Cretans, headed by the Sphakiots, after a massacre at Canea at once raised the standard of insurrection. They carried on hostilities with such success that they soon made themselves masters of the whole of the open country, and drove the Turks and Mussulman population to take refuge in the fortified cities. The sultan then invoked the assistance of Mehemet Ali, pasha of Egypt, who despatched 7000 Albanians to the island. Hostilities continued with no decisive result till 1824, when the arrival of further reinforcements enabled the Turkish commander to reduce the island to submission. In 1827 the battle of Navarino took place, and in 1830 (3rd of February) Greece was declared independent. The allied powers (France, England and Russia) decided, however, that Crete should not be included amongst the islands annexed to the newly-formed kingdom of Greece; but recognizing that some change was necessary, they obtained from the sultan Mahmud II. its cession to Egypt, which was confirmed by a firman of the 20th of December 1832. This change of masters brought some relief to the unfortunate Cretans, who at least exchanged the licence of local misrule for the oppression of an organized despotism; and the government of Mustafa Pasha, an Albanian like Mehemet Ali, the ruler of the island for a considerable period (1832-1852), was more enlightened and intelligent than that of most Turkish governors. He encouraged agriculture, improved the roads, introduced an Albanian police, and put down brigandage. The period of his administration has been called the “golden age” of Crete.
In 1840 Crete was again taken from Mehemet Ali, and replaced under the dominion of the Turks, but fortunately Mustafa still retained his governorship until he left for Constantinople to become grand vizier in 1852. Four years later an insurrection broke out, owing to the violation of the provisions of an imperial decree (February 1856), whereby liberty of conscience and equal rights and privileges with Mussulmans had been conferred upon Christians. The latter refused to lay down their arms until a firman was issued (July 1858), confirming the promised concessions. These promises being again repudiated, in 1864 the inhabitants held an assembly and a petition was drawn up for presentation at Constantinople by the governor. The sultan’s reply was couched in the vaguest terms, and the Cretans were ordered to render unquestioning obedience to the authorities. After a period of great distress and cruel oppression, in 1866, on the demand for reforms being again refused, a general insurrection took place, which was only put down by great exertions on the part of the Porte. It was followed by the concession of additional privileges to the Christians of the island and of a kind of constitutional government and other reforms embodied in what is known as the “Organic Statute” of 1868.
(J. H. F.)
Modern Constitutional.—Cretan constitutional history may be said to date from 1868, when, after the suppression of an insurrection which had extended over three years, the Turkish government consented to grant a certain measure of autonomy to the island. The privileges now accorded were embodied in what is known as the Organic Statute, an instrument which eventually obtained a somewhat wider importance, being proposed by Article XXIII. of the Berlin Treaty as a basis of reforms to be introduced in other parts of the Ottoman empire. Various privileges already acquired by the Christian population were confirmed; a general council, or representative body, was brought into existence, composed of deputies from every district in the island; mixed tribunals were introduced, together with a highly elaborate administrative system, under which all the more important functionaries, Christian and Mussulman, were provided with an assessor of the opposite creed. The new constitution, however, proved costly and unworkable, and failed to satisfy either section of the population. The Christians were ready for another outbreak, when, in 1878, the Greek government, finding Hellenic aspirations ignored by the treaty of San Stefano, gave the signal for agitation in the island. During the insurrection which followed, the usual barbarities were committed on both sides; the Christians betook themselves to the mountains, and the Mussulman peasants crowded into the fortified towns. Eventually the Cretan chiefs invoked the mediation of England, which Turkey, exhausted by her struggle with Russia, was Pact of Halepa. ready to accept, and the convention known as the Pact of Halepa was drawn up in 1878 under the auspices of Mr Sandwith, the British consul, and Adossides Pasha, both of whom enjoyed the confidence of the Cretan population. The privileges conferred by the Organic Statute were confirmed; the cumbersome and extravagant judicial and administrative systems were maintained; the judges were declared independent of the executive, and an Assembly composed of forty-nine Christian and thirty-one Mussulman deputies took the place of the former general council. A parliamentary régime was thus inaugurated, and party warfare for a time took the place of the old religious antagonism, the Moslems attaching themselves to one or other of the political factions which now made their appearance among the Christians. The material interests of the island were neglected in the scramble for place and power; the finances fell into disorder, and the party which came off worst in the struggle systematically intrigued against the governor-general of the day and conspired with his enemies at Constantinople. A crisis came about in 1889, when the “Conservative” leaders, finding themselves in a minority in the chamber, took up arms and withdrew to the mountains. Though the outbreak was unconnected with the religious feud, the latent fanaticism of both creeds was soon aroused, and the island once more became a scene of pillage and devastation. Unlike the two preceding movements, the insurrection of 1889 resulted unfavourably for the Christians. The Porte, having induced the Greek government to persuade the insurgents not to oppose the occupation of several strategic posts, despatched a military governor to the island, proclaimed martial law, and issued a firman abrogating many important provisions of the Halepa Pact. The mode of election to the assembly was altered, the number of its members reduced, and the customs revenue, which had hitherto been shared with the island, was appropriated by the Turkish treasury. The firman was undoubtedly illegal, as it violated a convention possessing a quasi-international sanction, but the Christians were unable to resist, and the powers abstained from intervention. The elections held under the new system proved a failure, the Christians refusing to go to the polls, and for the next five years Crete was governed absolutely by a succession of Mahommedan Valis. The situation went from bad to worse, the deficit in the budget increased, the gendarmery, which received no pay, became insubordinate, and crime multiplied. In 1894 the Porte, at the instance of the powers, nominated a Christian, Karatheodory Pasha, to the governorship, and the Christians, mollified by the concession, agreed to take part in the assembly which soon afterwards was convoked; no steps, however, were taken to remedy the financial situation, which became the immediate cause of the disorders that followed. The refusal of the Porte to refund considerable sums which had been illegally diverted from the Cretan treasury or even to sanction a loan to meet immediate requirements caused no little exasperation in the island, which was increased by the recall of Karatheodory (March 1895). Before that event an Epitropé, or “Committee of Reform,” had appeared in the mountains—the harbinger of the prolonged struggle which ended in the emancipation Insurrection of 1896-97. of Crete. The Epitropé was at first nothing more than a handful of discontented politicians who had failed to find places in the administration, but some slight reverses which it succeeded in inflicting on the Turkish troops brought thousands of armed Christians to its side, and in April 1896 it found itself strong enough to invest the important garrison town of Vamos. The Moslem peasantry now flocked to the fortified towns and civil war began. Serious disturbances broke out at Canea on the 24th of May, and were only quelled by the arrival of foreign warships. The foreign consuls intervened in the hope of bringing about a peaceful settlement, but the Sultan resolved on the employment of force, and an expedition despatched to Vamos effected the relief of that town with a loss of 200 men. The advance of a Turkish detachment through the western districts, where other garrisons were besieged, was marked by pillage and devastation, and 5000 Christian peasants took refuge on the desolate promontory of Spada, where they suffered extreme privations. These events, which produced much excitement in Greece, quickened the energies of the powers. An international blockade of the island was proposed by Austria but rejected by England. The ambassadors at Constantinople urged peaceful counsels on the Porte, and the Sultan, alarmed at this juncture by an Armenian outbreak, began to display a conciliatory disposition. The Pact of Halepa was restored, the troops were withdrawn from the interior, financial aid was promised to the island, a Christian governor-general was appointed, the assembly was summoned, and an imperial commissioner was despatched to negotiate an arrangement. The Christian leaders prepared a moderate scheme of reforms, based on the Halepa Pact, which, with a few exceptions, were approved by the powers and eventually sanctioned by the sultan.
On the 4th of September 1896 the assembly formally accepted the new constitution and declared its gratitude to the powers for their intervention. The Moslem leaders acquiesced in the arrangement, which the powers undertook to guarantee, and, notwithstanding some symptoms of discontent at Candia, there was every reason to hope that the island was now entering upon a period of tranquillity. It soon became evident, however, that the Porte was endeavouring to obstruct the execution of the new reforms. Several months passed without any step being taken towards this realization; difficulties were raised with regard to the composition of the international commissions charged with the reorganization of the gendarmery and judicial system; intrigues were set on foot against the Christian governor-general; and the presence of a special imperial commissioner, who had no place under the constitution, proved so injurious to the restoration of tranquillity that the powers demanded his immediate recall. The indignation of the Christians increased, a state of insecurity prevailed, and the Moslem peasants refused to return to their homes. A new factor now became apparent in Cretan politics. Since the outbreak in May 1896 the Greek government had loyally co-operated with the powers in their efforts for the pacification of the island, but towards the close of the year a secret society known as the Ethniké Hetaeria began to arrogate to itself the direction of Greek foreign policy. The aim of the society was a war with Turkey with a view to the acquisition of Macedonia, and it found a ready instrument for its designs in the growing discontent of the Cretan Christians. Emissaries of the society now appeared in Crete, large consignments of arms were landed, and at the beginning of 1897 the Greek Intervention. island was practically in a state of insurrection. On the 21st of January the Greek fleet was mobilized. Affairs were brought to a climax by a series of conflicts which took place at Canea on the 4th of February; the Turkish troops fired on the Christians, a conflagration broke out in the town, and many thousands of Christians took refuge on the foreign warships in the bay. The Greek government now despatched an ironclad and a cruiser to Canea, which were followed a few days later by a torpedo flotilla commanded by Prince George. The prince soon retired to Melos, but on the night of the 14th of February a Greek expeditionary force under Colonel Vassos landed at Kolymbari, near Canea, and its commander issued a proclamation announcing the occupation of the island in the name of King George. On the same day Georgi Pasha, the Christian governor-general, took refuge on board a Russian ironclad, and, on the next, naval detachments from the warships of the powers occupied Canea. This step paralysed the movements of Colonel Vassos, who after a few slight engagements with the Turks remained practically inactive in the interior. The insurgents, however, continued to threaten the town, and their position was bombarded by the international fleet (21st February). The intervention of Greece caused immense excitement among the Christian population, and terrible massacres of Moslem peasants took place in the eastern and western districts. The forces of the powers shortly afterwards occupied Candia and the other maritime towns, while the international fleet blockaded the Cretan coast. These measures were followed by the presentation of collective notes to the Greek and Decision of the powers. Turkish governments (2nd March), announcing the decision of the powers that (1) Crete could in no case in present circumstances be annexed to Greece; (2) in view of the delays caused by Turkey in the application of the reforms Crete should now be endowed with an effective autonomous administration, intended to secure to it a separate government, under the suzerainty of the sultan. Greece was at the same time summoned to remove its army and fleet from the island, while the Turkish troops were to be concentrated in the fortresses and eventually withdrawn. The cabinet of Athens, however, declined to recall the expeditionary force, which remained in the interior till the 9th of May, when, after the Greek reverses in Thessaly and Epirus, an order was given for its return. Meantime Cretan autonomy had been proclaimed (20th March). After the departure of the Greek troops the Cretan leaders, who had hitherto demanded annexation to Greece, readily acquiesced in the decision of the powers, and the insurgent Assembly, under its president Dr Sphakianakis, a man of good sense and moderation, co-operated with the international commanders in the maintenance of order. The pacification of the island, however, was delayed by the presence of the Turkish troops and the inability of the powers to agree in the choice of a new governor-general. The prospect of a final settlement was improved by the withdrawal of Germany and Austria, which had favoured Turkish pretensions, from the European concert (April 1898); the remaining powers divided the island into four departments, which they severally undertook to administer. An attack made by the Moslems of Candia on the British garrison of that town, with the connivance of the Turkish authorities, brought home to the powers the necessity of removing the Ottoman troops, and the last Turkish soldiers quitted the island on the 14th of November 1898.
On the 26th of that month the nomination of Prince George of Greece as high commissioner of the powers in Crete for a period of three years (renewed in 1901) was formally announced, and on the 21st of December the prince Prince George’s administration. landed at Suda and made his public entry into Canea amid enthusiastic demonstrations. For some time after his arrival complete tranquillity prevailed in the island, but the Moslem population, reduced to great distress by the prolonged insurrection, emigrated in large numbers. On the 27th of April 1899 a new autonomous constitution was voted by a constituent assembly, and in the following June the local administration was handed over to Cretan officials by the international authorities. The extensive powers conferred by the constitution upon Prince George were increased by subsequent enactments. In 1901 M. Venezelo, who had played a noteworthy part in the last insurrection, was dismissed from the post of councillor by the prince, and soon afterwards became leader of a strong opposition party, which denounced the arbitrary methods of the government. During the next four years party spirit ran high; in the spring of 1904 a deputation of chiefs and politicians addressed a protest to the prince, and early in the following year a band of armed malcontents under M. Venezelo raised the standard of revolt at Theriso in the White Mountains. The insurgents, who received moral support from Dr Sphakianakis, proclaimed the union of the island with Greece (March 1905), and their example was speedily followed by the assembly at Canea. The powers, however, reiterated their decision to maintain the status quo, and increased their military and naval forces; the Greek flag was hauled down at Canea and Candia, and some desultory engagements with the insurgents took place, the international troops co-operating with the native gendarmerie. In the autumn M. Venezelo and his followers, having obtained an amnesty, laid down their arms. A commission appointed by the powers to report on the administrative and financial situation drew up a series of recommendations in January 1906, and a constituent assembly for the revision of the constitution met at Canea in the following June. On the 25th of July the powers announced a series of reforms, including the reorganization of the gendarmerie and militia under Greek officers, as a preliminary to the eventual withdrawal of the international troops, and the extension to Crete of the system of financial control established in Greece. On the 14th of September, under an agreement dated the 14th of August, they invited King George of Greece, in the event of the high commissionership becoming vacant, to propose a candidate for that post, to be nominated by the powers for a period of five years, and on the 25th of September Prince George left the island. He had done much for the welfare of Crete, but his participation in party struggles and his attitude towards the representatives of the powers had rendered his position untenable. His successor, M. Alexander Zaimis, a former prime minister of Greece, arrived in Crete on the 1st of October.
(J. D. B.)
On the 22nd of February 1907 M. Zaimis, as high commissioner, took the oath to the new constitution elaborated after much debate by the Cretan national assembly. His position was one of singular difficulty. Apart from the rivalry of the factions within the Assembly, there was the question of the Mussulman minority, dwindling it is true,[3] but still a force to be reckoned with. The high commissioner, true to his reputation as a prudent statesman and astute politician, showed great skill in dealing with the situation. From the first he had taken up an attitude of great reserve, appearing little in public and careful not to identify himself with any faction. In such matters as appointments to the judicial bench, indeed, his studied impartiality offended both parties; but on the whole his administration was a marked success, and the cessation of the chronic state of disturbance in the island justified the powers in preparing for the withdrawal of their troops. In spite of the admission of their co-religionists to high office in the government, the Mussulmans, it is true, still complained of continuous ill-treatment having for its object their expatriation; but these complaints were declared by Sir Edward Grey, in answer to a question in parliament, to be exaggerated. The protecting powers had fixed the conditions preliminary to evacuation—(1) the organization of a native gendarmerie, (2) the maintenance of the tranquillity of the island, (3) the complete security of the Mussulman population. On the 20th of March 1908 M. Zaimis called the attention of the powers to the fact that these conditions had been fulfilled, and on the 11th of May the powers announced to the high commissioner their intention of beginning the evacuation at once and completing it within a year. The first withdrawal of the troops (July 27), hailed with enthusiasm by the Cretan Christians, led to rioting by the Mussulmans, who believed themselves abandoned to their fate.
Meanwhile M. Zaimis had made a further advance towards the annexation of the island to Greece by a visit to Athens, where he arranged for a loan with the Greek National Bank and engaged Greek officers for the new gendarmerie. The issue was precipitated by the news of the revolution in Turkey. On the 12th of October the Cretan Assembly once more voted the union with Greece, and in the absence of M. Zaimis—who had gone for a holiday to Santa Maura—elected a committee of six to govern the island in the name of the king of Greece.