[12] “Boswellia thurifera,” ... says Waring (Pharm. of India, p. 52), “has been thought to yield East Indian olibanum, but there is no reliable evidence of its so doing.”
[13] “Libanus igitur est mons redolentie & summe aromaticitatis. nam ibi herbe odorifere crescunt. ibi etiam arbores thurifere coalescunt quarum gummi electum olibanum a medicis nuncupatur.”—Perigrinatio, p. 53 (1502, fol.).
[14] See, on the chemistry of frankincense, Braconnot, Ann. de chimie, lxviii. (1808) pp. 60-69; Johnston, Phil. Trans. (1839), pp. 301-305; J. Stenhouse, Ann. der Chem. und Pharm. xxxv. (1840) p. 306; and A. Kurbatow, Zeitsch. für Chem. (1871), p. 201.
[15] “Praecipua autem gratia est mammoso, cum haerente lacryma priore consecuta alia miscuit se” (Nat. Hist. xii. 32). One of the Chinese names for frankincense, Jú-hiang, “milk-perfume,” is explained by the Pen Ts’au (xxxiv. 45), a Chinese work, as being derived from the nipple-like form of its drops. (See E. Bretschneider, On the Knowledge possessed by the Ancient Chinese of the Arabs, &c., p. 19, Lond., 1871.)
[16] The Voyage of Nearchus, loc. cit.
[17] Vaughan (Pharm. Journ. xii. 1853) speaks of the Arabian Lubān, commonly called Morbat or Shaharree Luban, as realizing higher prices in the market than any of the qualities exported from Africa. The incense of “Esher,” i.e. Shihr or Shehr, is mentioned by Marco Polo, as also by Barbosa. (See Yule, op. cit. ii. p. 377.) J. Raymond Wellsted (Travels to the City of the Caliphs, p. 173, Lond., 1840) distinguishes two kinds of frankincense—“Meaty,” selling at $4 per cwt., and an inferior article fetching 20% less.
[18] “Es scheint, dass selber die Araber ihr eignes Räuchwerk nicht hoch schätzen; denn die Vornehmen in Jemen brauchen gemeiniglich indianisches Räuchwerk, ja eine grosse Menge Mastix von der Insel Scio” (Beschreibung von Arabien, p. 143, Kopenh., 1772).
[19] “De Arabibus minus mirum, qui nigricantem colorem, quo Thus Indicum praeditum esse vult Dioscorides [lib. i. c. 70], Indum plerumque vocent, ut ex Myrobalano nigro quem Indum appellant, patet” (op. sup. cit. p. 157).
FRANKING, a term used for the right of sending letters or postal packages free (Fr. franc) of charge. The privilege was claimed by the House of Commons in 1660 in “a Bill for erecting and establishing a Post Office,” their demand being that all letters addressed to or sent by members during the session should be carried free. The clause embodying this claim was struck out by the Lords, but with the proviso in the Act as passed for the free carriage of all letters to and from the king and the great officers of state, and also the single inland letters of the members of that present parliament during that session only. It seems, however, that the practice was tolerated until 1764, when by an act dealing with postage it was legalized, every peer and each member of the House of Commons being allowed to send free ten letters a day, not exceeding an ounce in weight, to any part of the United Kingdom, and to receive fifteen. The act did not restrict the privilege to letters either actually written by or to the member, and thus the right was very easily abused, members sending and receiving letters for friends, all that was necessary being the signature of the peer or M.P. in the corner of the envelope. Wholesale franking grew usual, and M.P.’s supplied their friends with envelopes already signed to be used at any time. In 1837 the scandal had become so great that stricter regulations came into force. The franker had to write the full address, to which he had to add his name, the post-town and the day of the month; the letter had to be posted on the day written or the following day at the latest, and in a post-town not more than 20 m. from the place where the peer or M.P. was then living. On the 10th of January 1840 parliamentary franking was abolished on the introduction of the uniform penny rate.