[39] In addition to this, the Egyptian story of the priest Uza-hor at the court of Cambyses and Darius reflects a policy of religious tolerance which illustrates the biblical account of Ezra and Nehemiah (Brugsch, Gesch. Aeg. pp. 784 sqq.; see Cheyne, Jew. Relig. Life after the Exile, pp. 40-43).
[40] From Têma in north Arabia, also, there is monumental evidence of the 5th century B.C. for Babylonian and Assyrian influence upon the language, cult and art. For Nippur, see Bab. Exped. of Univ. of Pennsylvania, series A., vol. ix. (1898), by H. V. Hilprecht; for Elephantine, the Mond papyri, A. H. Sayce and A. E. Cowley, Aramaic Papyri Discovered at Assuan (1906), and those cited above (p. 282, n. 1). For the Jewish colonies in general, see H. Guthe, Ency. Bib., art. “Dispersion” (with references); also below, § 25 sqq.
[41] See [Ezra and Nehemiah] with bibliographical references, also T. K. Cheyne, Introd. to Isaiah (1895); Jew. Religious Life after the Exile (1898); E. Sellin, Stud. z. Entstehungsgesch. d. jüd. Gemeinde (1901); R. H. Kennett in Swete’s Cambridge Biblical Essays (pp. 92 sqq.); G. Jahn, Die Bücher Esra u. Nehemja (1909); and C. C. Torrey, Ezra Studies (1910).
[42] There is an obvious effort to preserve the continuity of tradition (a) in Ezra ii. which gives a list of families who returned from exile each to its own city, and (b) in the return of the holy vessels in the time of Cyrus (contrast 1 Esdras iv. 43 seq.), a view which, in spite of Dan. i. 2, v. 2 seq., conflicts with 2 Kings xxiv. 13 and xxv. 13 (see, however, v. 14). That attempts have been made to adjust contradictory representations is suggested by the prophecy ascribed to Jeremiah (xxvii. 16 sqq.) where the restoration of the holy vessels finds no place in the shorter text of the Septuagint (see W. R. Smith, Old Test. and Jew. Church, pp. 104 sqq.).
[43] The view that Deuteronomy is later than the 7th century has been suggested by M. Vernes, Nouvelle hypothèse sur la comp. et l’origine du Deut. (1887); Havet, Christian. et ses origines (1878); Horst, in Rev. de l’hist. des relig., 1888; and more recently by E. Day, Journ. Bib. Lit. (1902), pp. 202 sqq.; and R. H. Kennett, Journ. Theol. Stud. (1906), pp. 486 sqq. The strongest counter-arguments (see W. E. Addis, Doc. of Hexat. ii. 2-9) rely upon the historical trustworthiness of 2 Kings xxii. seq. Weighty reasons are brought also by conservative writers against the theory that Deuteronomy dates from or about the age of Josiah, and their objections to the “discovery” of a new law-roll apply equally to the “re-discovery” and promulgation of an old and authentic code.
[44] See, for Cheyne’s view, his Decline and Fall of Judah. Introduction (1908). The former tendency has many supporters; see, among recent writers, N. Schmidt, Hibbert Journal (1908), pp. 322 sqq.; C. F. Burney, Journ. Theol. Stud. (1908), pp. 321 sqq.; O. A. Toffteen, The Historic Exodus (1909), pp. 120 sqq.; especially Meyer and Luther, Die Israeliten, pp. 442-440, &c. For the early recognition of the evidence in question, see J. Wellhausen, De gentibus et familiis Judaeis (Göttingen, 1870); Prolegomena (Eng. trans.), pp. 216 sqq., 342 sqq., and 441-443 (from art. “Israel,” § 2, Ency. Brit. 9th ed.); also A. Kuenen, Relig. of Israel (i. 135 seq., 176-182); W. R. Smith, Prophets of Israel, pp. 28 seq., 379.
[45] For the prominence of the “southern” element in Judah see E. Meyer, Entstehung d. Judenthums (1896), pp. 119, 147, 167, 177, 183 n. 1; Israeliten, pp. 352 n. 5, 402, 429 seq.
[46] See § 23 end, and [Levites]. When Edom is renowned for wisdom and a small Judaean family boasts of sages whose names have south Palestinian affinity (1 Chron. ii. 6), and when such names as Korah, Heman, Ethan and Obed-edom, are associated with psalmody, there is no inherent improbability in the conjecture that the “southern” families settled around Jerusalem may have left their mark in other parts of the Old Testament. It is another question whether such literature can be identified (for Cheyne’s views, see Ency. Bib. “Prophetic Literature,” “Psalms,” and his recent studies).
[47] One may recall, in this connexion, Caxton’s very interesting prologue to Malory’s Morte d’Arthur and his remarks on the permanent value of the “histories” of this British hero. [Cf. also Horace, Ep. 1. ii. and R. Browning, “Development.”]
[48] It is noteworthy that Josephus, who has his own representation of the post-exilic age, allows two years and four months for the work (Ant. xi. 5, 8).