Unique sketch by Punch artist (concealed in clock opposite), showing how the last reporter was detected in the Press Gallery by the aid of a giant periscope.
Wednesday, April 26th.—So far as we are permitted to know what took place—for the House of Commons had another Secret Session—in both Houses it was Ireland, Ireland all the way. The Commons began by granting a return relating to Irish Lunacy accounts, and then by an easy transition passed to the report of the Sinn Fein rebellion in Dublin.
Colonel Sharman-Crawford, who bears a name that all Ireland has solid reason to respect, desiring to return to his native country, asked Mr. Birrell what routes, if any, were open. Mr. Birrell did not know, but intimated genially that he might be able to take absence of over the gallant Colonel under his own protecting wing. The House appeared to find humour in the idea of the Chief Secretary returning to his post, and an Hon. Member inquired why he had ever left it.
The Prime Minister gave a brief and, so far as it went, rosy-coloured report of the situation in Dublin. Some Nationalist Volunteers were helping the Government. The forces of the Crown were to be further strengthened by a party of American journalists, armed to the teeth with quick-firing pencils, who were going over to deal with "this most recent German campaign."
This may have reminded Mr. Asquith that there were British journalists in the Press Gallery. The Deputy Speaker's attention having been called to this fact, the House voted for their expulsion, and again passed into Secret Session.
The Lords were again in Open Session, to the regret, perhaps, of the Government representatives, who heard some very plain speaking from Lord Middleton. According to his information the rebels were still in possession of important parts of Dublin. The Government had been warned on Sunday last that an outbreak was imminent, but had nevertheless allowed many officers to go on leave, while others were permitted to assist at the races on Monday.
Thursday, April 21th.—Mr. Ginnell does not believe in the supineness of the Irish Executive. His information is that quite a long time ago it had resolved to place Dublin in a state of siege, to imprison Archbishop Walsh and the Lord Mayor in their respective official residences, and to arrest the leaders of sundry Nationalist associations. Mr. T. W. Russell, as spokesman for the ruthless Mr. Birrell, denied emphatically that these drastic steps had been contemplated.
The Prime Minister subsequently announced that the situation still had "serious features." This mild phrase covers the continued possession by the rebels of important parts of Dublin, the prevalence of street fighting, and the spread of the insurrection to the wild West. Martial law had been proclaimed all over the country; Sir John Maxwell had been sent over in supreme command, and the Irish Government had been placed under his orders—the last part of this announcement being greeted with especially loud cheers.
Sir Edward Carson and Mr. John Redmond joined in expressing horror of this rebellion and hoped that the Press would not make it an excuse for reviving political dissension on Irish matters—a sufficient rebuke to The Westminster Gazette and The Star, both of which by a curious coincidence had found the moment auspicious for preaching from the text of the old tag, "There but for the grace of God," etc.
Sir H. Dalziel attempted to secure an immediate debate upon the Irish trouble. But the eminent Privy Councillor found little support in the House, and was first knocked down by the Deputy-Speaker and then trampled upon by Mr. Asquith.