As to the African, there are not a few Americans, even in this day, who think a righteous solution of the African question is to ship them all off to the dark continent. So far as the American Colonization Society keeps in view education and other Christian instrumentalities, I bid them God-speed; but if they desire to send the Negro out of the country, I say, No!—a thousand times, No! Let us solve the problem right here where God has placed them.
And we say to the Chinese, as he comes upon his ship, “Turn your prow back towards the Flowery Kingdom; don’t touch our golden West.” Is that the spirit that welcomes the Irishman, the German, the Italian, the Frenchman? Why not give as broad an opening to the Chinaman as to the Irishman?
(2.) In the next place, God is testing that principle which is set forth in the preamble of our Constitution—the right of a man to pursue happiness in such a way as he may elect, provided he does no wrong to his neighbor. And I opine that although happiness involves the pursuit of higher aims, it begins on the basis of labor. Labor is the essential element of American civilization. If I labor, then I have the right of choice to enter into whatever labor I please. No matter whether I am an adept or not, circumstances will give the verdict. With the right of choice of a man’s calling comes the right of competition. Carry it to its extreme, if you please. If there are fifty-two thousand clerks, I have a right to become the fifty-two thousand and first, and starve. Then, after the inherent right of labor follows the right to such property as I may accumulate. What I may produce, that is mine absolutely, and no man can touch it. Here we are brought face to face with this tremendous question between Irish and German labor, and the low-priced labor of either the Negro or the Chinaman. But, American citizens and Christians, if we respect the right of a man to exercise such functions as God has given him in such way as his conscience may dictate, and to choose his own occupation, shall we not defend this right of labor, and the right to pursue happiness as each may elect, and in the face of Communism, defend the right of the Chinese to enter the market and compete with all labor of whatever nationality?
(3.) There is a third right or principle put to the test—that every man is equal before the law. Whether he be Jew or Gentile, Irishman or German, Negro or Chinaman, he is the equal of all men before God. But what justice can a Chinaman get out of a Hoodlum court? What justice has the Negro got out of a Southern court? To the establishment of that justice we must bend our energies, for it is vital to our institutions that a man before the law is equal with his neighbor. If you have broken the shackles of the Negro, break those of the Indian. If he outrages the law, try him by process of the law and make him amenable, but deal with him as a citizen. I opine that we shall arrive at this, sooner or later. Of course this includes with it the privilege of every one to enter public life, provided he proves his capacity.
(4.) But there is another principle being tested, and that is the right of education. It is a settled point in the development of American civilization, that education is essential to the proper discipline of the citizen—some degree, at least, of elementary education. Now when, according to the census of 1870, in the States of Mississippi and Texas, 96 per cent. of the colored people were thoroughly ignorant; and when in another State, 95 per cent. were completely ignorant; in another, 93 per cent.; in two others, 91 per cent.; and in a last one, 90 per cent.; 88 per cent. of the entire colored people of the South being in perfect ignorance;—does it not behoove us to have a law for compulsory education if we hope to have true culture and citizenship? Was our late President far from right when he brought forward this idea? What salvation is there for the Southern States unless universal education shall be carried into effect? As the right to enter into competition is inherent as much as the right of choice in labor, so we regard the right of choice of one’s religion. The whole way should be made open for the highest acquisition of intellectual and moral knowledge.
(5.) So, too, our Protestant Christianity is under test. And here we are encountered at once by the fact that Christians still cultivate the caste spirit. If the Jew drew such a subtle line between himself and the Gentile, the white Christian draws a similar line between himself and the black Christian. If the Greek considered himself to be of such high intelligence that he classed all others as barbarians, Christians allow their prejudices to make the same broad distinctions between different classes of humanity, which it was the office of Jesus Christ—blessed be His name!—to obliterate and utterly extinguish. That prejudice, that caste spirit which Christians cultivate in the North to an extent that amounts to social ostracism, must be broken down, if we would maintain Protestant Christianity. Further, this question connects itself with the true missionary spirit. The best way to evangelize China is to evangelize the Chinese as they come to the Pacific Coast. The best way to evangelize Africa is to evangelize the African Negro of the South. Over against Protestant Christians in the South and the Chinese on the Pacific is that dark power which has involved the world in hopeless contentions. There stands the Jesuit with his deep, treacherous features, his characterless casuistry, and his sacrifice of all things else to glorify the Church of Rome, no matter what may be the result on his country. That subtle power which permeates our political institutions with such great magnitude and force, stands face to face with Protestantism in the South—with the Negro question, the Chinese question, and the Indian question. If we are to serve Protestant Christianity, we must free ourselves of caste, and learn to love the African and the Chinaman at our doors. It is easy to speak well of the Chinaman away off in China—to have an overflow of sympathy for the poor African away in the dark continent; but it is a very different thing to have sympathy for them in this country. The spirit of the Gospel of Jesus Christ must actuate us and lead us to this.
These, then, are the five great principles that underlie American civilization—principles that are being tested by these three races or nationalities. Our professions are large. Let us live up to them in these five great principles. It is Lord Bacon who says that “When hempe is spun, England is done”—meaning that when Henry, Elizabeth, Mary, Philip and Edward had passed away, England would be done. We may say that if these five principles—the right of asylum, the right of labor, of political freedom, of education, and free play to Protestant Christianity be done—America is done. God save the State!
And what is the agency—or one agency—by which that may be accomplished? The American Missionary Association, because it gives us Christian education. Because it brings together the college, the church and the home. And will not your devotion to a pure Christianity, free from the spirit of caste, and filled with the spirit of genuine love, manifest itself by your support of such an Association? May we not gauge your feelings in regard to these five principles by the support you give to such a society? May we not implore you that as you value the rights of property and free government you array yourself solidly against Communism and its ally—Romanism; because these are craftily working together.
Would you behold free Protestant Christianity established in this country? Then give your support to this Association, that these three races may prove us to be a people who love liberty in its deepest significance as liberty in Christ.