But conceive of New England as having never sent her children to a common school; as having never gathered in town meeting; as having never known even a Congregational Church meeting, and, at the same time, as having free thought on all questions of public policy overshadowed, fettered and ruthlessly throttled by an interest which enthroned itself as supreme in commercial, political and social life, before which good society did homage, and politicians sacrificed, and divines worshipped, without whose approval nothing was right, and without whose protection nothing was safe. Conceive what, under such circumstances, New England would have been, and then cease to wonder that the pro-slavery disunionist was not crushed, and that the Bourbon politician is not buried under the new sentiment which lives in the South to-day.
But it is manifest to anyone who knew the South under the old state of things, and who has had opportunity of seeing it to-day, that these two agencies which have made New England what she is, but were unknown to the South—which were thrust upon her as a part of the reconstructive machinery, against her sullen but helpless protest, and were hated accordingly—are coming more and more into favor with the people.
It is noteworthy and significant that the Legislature of Tennessee, last year, in all its frantic, unwise, and dishonest efforts to reduce expenses, did not reduce her school appropriations. He must be a blind observer and a dull reasoner who does not see that this is most significant as showing that old things are passing away, and all things are becoming new in a regenerated South.
THE NEGRO, ON THE STATUS AND EXODUS OF THE NEGRO.
It is significant that the leading article in the current number of the South Atlantic, the élite literary magazine of the South, is by a colored man. His topic is, “The Status of the Negro, and the Exodus.” It is able and fair in its treatment of the subject. The editor disclaims responsibility for its statements, and slightly apologizes for its publication; would have been glad, had it not seemed unfair to the writer, to modify a few paragraphs; but has given a negro full leave to tell his white readers just what he thinks of negro status and exodus. This fact is one which should not be forgotten.
On the other hand, it would be well for us to hear just what an intelligent negro has to say on this topic. The writer, Rev. D. J. Sanders, indicates the difficulties in the way of his people’s progress; obstacles thrown in the way both by his friends and his enemies; asserts that because of what he is, the negro has made commendable progress in spite of these hindrances, aided by missionary preachers and teachers who paid but little attention to, and took no part in, the political events which were transpiring about them. Evidently, in his estimation, the improved condition of his people has not been due to political action, but to schools and moral influences.
He asserts that the Exodus has not been brought about by political causes, though a certain class of politicians have done something to spread the movement; nor is it due to the fact that educational or religious privileges have been withheld, for, strictly, it cannot be asserted that such has been the case. Persons who were pronounced in their opposition to negro schools are, when this movement begins, laboring side by side with those who have devoted themselves to negro education. Whatever of politics, or education, or religion may enter into the movement is merely incidental.
Political abuse there has been, but the Exodus movement began after this had for the most part ceased, and has raged most where this abuse has been least known, as near the home of the writer, in North Carolina.
There have been, and are now in some States, unjust laws regulating labor and wages. The script system, which permits the employer to pay the laborer in script redeemable at his store, has been known, and is ruinously unjust to the laborer, but in the two States where this movement has been greatest, regulative legislation has been in the one exactly the reverse of what it is in the other. In Mississippi the landlord must fulfil his engagements before he can force his tenant to quit. In North Carolina the tenant must fulfil his before he can leave.