While the anti-Chinese outcry from California has filled the ears of the nation, your Committee wishes to recognize with thanksgiving the noble work which many of the Christians of that State have done and are doing for China and for Christ. The Chinese missions of the Association are at present restricted to the State of California. But your Committee are impressed with the importance to the Association, in this part of its work, of full and exact information as to the condition of the Chinese population throughout the country, and as to the work done in their behalf by various Christian agencies, and especially by the local churches of various denominations. And we recommend that a systematic inquiry be instituted on this subject, the result of which shall be reported at the next annual meeting.
James Brand, Chairman.
ADDRESS OF REV. JAMES BRAND, D.D.
Mr. President: At one of the former meetings of this Association, one speaker, in pleading for China, proposed that the audience go with him, in imagination, to the Chinese quarter in San Francisco, in order that from a personal inspection of the thrift, economy and order manifested there he might get an argument for Christian sympathy and support in Chinese education. They did so and the argument was good. At the same meeting, another speaker, pleading the same cause, proposed to the audience to go with him to a more sacred place than the Chinese quarter, namely, the battle-fields of the war, that he might gather from the memory and suggestions of those hallowed places an argument for the maintenance of the national and Christian principles contended for in that war, and hence an argument for the Christian treatment of the Chinese.
Now, in getting the purchase for another argument for the same unhappy people, I propose that you go for a few moments with me to a more sacred place still than either the Chinese quarter or the battle-fields of the war. I mean that upper room where, eighteen centuries ago, occurred that last, long interview between Christ and his disciples, before the crucifixion. Let us reverently step in there and stand behind that little circle of the eleven. Let us catch the spirit and the suggestions of that tender and holy scene. The Divine One is speaking his last words to those men who are soon to go forth and undertake the conversion of the world. What is his most weighty thought? It is that which was expressed in his closing prayer: “As thou hast sent me into the world even so have I sent them into the world;” that is, the mission of Christian men in the world was to be the same as His own. It was to be a mission of vicarious suffering and service for all the world. Men were dying in their sins in all countries. The nations were sitting in the shadow of death. Generations were tramping on, each in the track of the others, to hopeless doom. They did not know God’s redeeming love. It is this spectacle of humanity rushing on to a hopeless eternity, that puts that solemn and intense tone into the Saviour’s voice as He talks and prays. They were to be men like Christ. They were to go into all the world, bearing the love of God.
This is what the world needs. This world of faith in force, and faith in diplomacy, and faith in partisan politics; this world of faith in intellectual skill; this world of brain power, elaborating expedients; this world of self-seeking refinement; these nations that are under the shadow of death are all sending up through the gloom of their moral miseries the inarticulate cry to God for just this Christlike mission of loving men, to the world. This, then, is the warrant; this is the groundwork of my plea for China. It is not that the Chinese are very worthy, or that our nation ought to be very consistent with its fundamental principles, but it is that 400,000,000 souls need a Saviour from sin, and we, whose mission is identical with Christ’s, have something to do in the case. This applies, of course, to all nations as well as the Chinese, but I plead for a special application of the principle to China on two grounds:
I. Because of the vastness and need of China and the peculiar relation it now sustains to ourselves. What have we done for her people? We have shut our door in their face. We have said no poor laboring man of China shall feed his children on our shore for ten years to come. Three hundred and thirty thousand of them will have gone into eternity before these ten black years shall have expired! Do we not hear the echo of that tender voice from that upper room, “Inasmuch as ye did it unto these, ye have done it unto me”?
II. I plead for China because of the wrongs she has suffered at nominally Christian hands, and especially at the hands of the United States Government.
The anti-Chinese bill is a violation of treaty, a violation of the spirit of impartial justice to foreigners, a violation of our own interest, because opposed to the spirit of Christ, which when resisted always reacts. It was carried through, like the opium trade, for present personal advantage on a small scale. It is the child of partisan politics, born out of a fear lest other foreign laborers, finding themselves underbidden by the more economical Chinese, might raise an outcry, and disturb the equilibrium of party power. Hence, to gain votes, one party will sacrifice national policy and Christian principle, and the other will do the same rather than lose votes. Thus China must be affronted, and Christianity dishonored before the world. It is not, however, the American people as such who have done this thing—thank God for that! Whenever the national conscience has spoken at all on the subject, it has spoken against it. This anti-Chinese legislation is the adoption, in America, of the old barbaric cast-off policy of exclusion, which China herself has pursued for centuries toward other nations. China is going forward: we have gone back.