The American Missionary — Volume 44, No. 10, October, 1890

by Various

The Federal Election Bill And The Mississippi Convention.

The ultimate aim of the Federal Election Bill in Congress, and of the Constitutional Convention in Mississippi, point in diametrically opposite directions. They cannot be harmonized, and there is no middle way between them. The Election Bill contemplates a "free ballot and fair count" for every voter, including the Negro. The Mississippi Convention aims to restrict Negro suffrage. In an address delivered by the President of the Convention, September 11th, he is reported to have said that: "He did not propose to mince matters and hide behind a subterfuge, but if asked by anybody if it was the purpose of the Convention to restrict Negro suffrage, he would frankly say, 'Yes; that is what we are here for.'" This Convention proposes to secure its object not by the force and fraud of earlier days, but by constitutional and legal methods—or at least by what has constitutional and legal forms. All this, however, is another attempt to achieve the impracticable. As the Negro grows in intelligence and numbers, he will claim his right to vote.

On the other hand, the Congressional Election Bill or any other legislation intended to secure the privilege of voting to the Negro, if made practical, means a good deal. If it is intended only to pass laws that shall be merely "glittering generalities" to vindicate the historic record of the Republican party, or to sanction its Platform and the Inaugural of the President—that is easily done and will, of course, amount to nothing—except as a political manoeuvre. But if the movement "means business," and is to be pushed to its legitimate result, then two things must be done: the Negro must be qualified to vote and to be voted for; to elect officers and to hold office. If the mass of illiterate and impoverished Negroes are to be represented in State Legislatures and in Congress by persons as ignorant and poor as they are themselves, these representatives will, of course, if in the majority, be liable to rule and ruin; if in a large minority, they will hold a balance of power that may easily be controlled by demagogues. To educate this mass up to the point of intelligence and the acquisition of property is America's great duty and the guaranty of her safety.

There is one thing more about it. We have said that if the Negro is to have the free exercise of the ballot, he will insist on being voted for as well as voting. If the Negroes have power to elect, they will wish to elect some of their own number. They will not, and certainly they ought not to vote for a man simply because he is black. They should vote for the best qualified man whether he is black or white. If they have the power they will certainly elect some of their own number. But this means, if it means anything good, that there shall be those of their own number who are qualified to hold office and to hold it honorably to themselves and usefully to their constituents and the country. But this implies higher education to a good many colored people. It will not do for them to have a few men educated as professional politicians. May Heaven save them from the day when they will encourage the growth of such a class of men. They will need to have a large number of educated men in the various walks of life, from whom suitable candidates may be selected, just as white men have. But if they are to have such a class of men, adequate measures must be taken for their higher education, and those friends of the Negro who desire and help to educate him only in primary studies, while they are doing a great and essential work, are not doing all that is needed. It may be all well enough to say to the Negro, "Work hard and keep out of politics." But if he is allowed to enter into politics freely, he will do it just as other men do. There is enough human nature in him to secure that. And any view of this matter that accepts the theory of a free ballot to the Negro, will be short-sighted, if it does not aim at the education of the mass of the Negroes as the mass of the white people are educated, and at the higher education of a proportionally large number of the Negroes. If Congress and Mississippi Conventions should turn their attention in this direction, their work would be more significant than the efforts they are now making.

Notes From The West.

By District-Secretary C.W. Hiatt.

Sylvan, terraced, lacustrine; cottages by the score, gay in color, unique of design; people everywhere, chatty, erudite, artistic, processional; "round tables," "leagues," "societies" and "circles;" lectures, sermons, concerts and conferences—a school, a church, a university—all this, and throughout it all a steady pulse of religious heart and heartiness—such is the Chautauquan Assembly of Bay View, Michigan. One of the important features of this assembly is its annual missionary conference. All denominations participate and the field of the world is brought vividly before the mind by the laborers from here and there.

An interesting testimony by a missionary from Singapore was to the effect that many of the most cultured and generous people he had ever met were Chinese. By the aid of influential Mongolians—though they were heathen—he was once enabled to start a school which grew rapidly till hundreds were enrolled and a permanent religious center of great importance was established. The whole account was thrilling.