The narrative covers the eventful work of Congress for the past thirty years, and gives a much fuller inside view of Federal legislation during this period than can be obtained from Mr. Blaine's more pretentious work. No period in our national history is so full of interest as the times of which our author writes. The revolt from English rule and the establishment of our national government was one of the grandest epochs in history. In that period were determined the issue of national independence; in this epoch of even greater magnitude, the issue of national existence. Both periods alike witnessed the most terrible conflicts of armies, of bloodshed and suffering in both periods was shown the exercise of the highest and most brilliant statesmanship; and in both periods the Federal Legislature was witness to events scarcely less exciting and decisive than occurred on hundreds of bloody battle-fields. The exciting period of Secession, the departure of Senators and Representatives from Congress, the proclamation of war, the call for troops, the great uprising of the people of all sections, North and South, against each other, the act of Emancipation, the sanguinary battles of, and the close of the war, the return of peace, the assassination of President Lincoln, the election of Grant, the Electoral Commission and the seating of Hayes, the resumption of specie payments and a host of other equally impressive episodes and events, find in Mr. Cox an impartial historian. Of the importance of such a work, there is no need of saying anything, and it is quite enough to remark that the book taken all in all, is perhaps the most important, because of its impartiality and accuracy, that has so far been published during the present year.
We have alluded to the fact that the author was a prominent actor in nearly all the legislation of this long period, and that he consequently possesses that personal and absolute knowledge which comes from actual participation. The following extract which is taken at random from page 117 of the volume discloses something of the author's happy faculty of seeing and describing things as they occurred to him. He says:—
"Being upon the Foreign Affairs Committee of the House of Representatives when the Trent affair occurred, the writer attended a dinner given by the Secretary at this then happy home. This was at a time when men held their breath in trepidation, lest Great Britain and the Powers of Europe might make the Trent matter the pretext to consummate their recognition of Southern independence. Some feared that a disparted Republic would have to give way before the jealous encroachments of those who sought to divide our country as they endeavored to imperialize Mexico.
"The delightful interchanges of thought between the persons at that dinner are not so important as the fact that transpired toward its close. After the ceremonies of introduction, and the tenders of politeness to Mrs. Frederick W. Seward and Miss Olive Risley—the adopted daughter of the house—the guests who had been received by these ladies moved to the hospitable dining-hall. On the right of Mr. Seward was seated burly English heartiness incarnated in Mr. Anthony Trollope, the novelist. His presence was almost a surprise, if not a satire on the occasion, as it concluded. At the other end of the table sat John J. Crittenden. He was then chairman of Foreign Affairs in the House. The author was on his right, as he was nearer by sympathy to him than others on the committee. He used to say to the writer: 'My young friend, when I was of your age, I did all the work and the older members received the merit marks. You may do the work, sir, and I will take the credit.' With his grave humor and hearty confidence, he was wont to parcel out to the writer no inconsiderable quantity of the work of this most arduous of committees. Thus it happened that a bill for the relief of the owners of the Perthshire, seized by us, came to the hand of the writer for a report. The chairman was not a little astonished when he found that his subbordinate, on the 17th of December, 1861, was dilating on the Trent case, and quoting Robinson's Reports to justify the detention of the contraband plenipotentiaries, upon British precedents and conduct."
From the foregoing selection, it will readily be seen that the author's style is strong, clear, rapid, and stimulating, his judgment sound and unprejudiced, and his materials authentic. His condition, experiences, and industry combine to throw new light on the events of the most remarkable epoch in natural history, and the volume, independent of Mr. Cox's reputation, is bound to be a success. It is at once the most picturesque and harmonious political history of our times that has thus far been written, and will, also, be generally looked upon as a solid and substantial contribution to American literature. We feel that we cannot commend it too highly.
In the Century magazine, last spring, Gen. George B. McClellan undertook to present his explanation of the failure of the Army of the Potomac while under his command. In his article, he assaulted the memories of Lincoln and Stanton, and attempted much more than he accomplished,—at least, so thinks the Hon. William D. Kelley, who examines McClellan's statements in a book recently published. It bears the simple title, Lincoln and Stanton.[8] Of this volume, which for the first time makes many fresh disclosures, we hope to have something to say at another time.
Senator Sumner was once asked by Lord Brougham the origin and meaning of "caucus," and he replied: "It is difficult to assign any elementary to the word, but the most approved one referred its origin to the very town, and about the time (1772), of his lordship's birth." There is a tradition in Boston that "caucus" was a common word here before the Revolutionary war broke out, and that it originated in a feud between the British troops on the one side and the rope-walkers and calkers on the other. Bloody collisions, it is said, occurred between them. The latter held meetings in the calkers' hall in the lower part of the city, at which resolutions were adopted and speeches made denouncing the soldiers, who, on their part deriding the wordy war offered, sneeringly snubbed their opponents "The Calkers," which by an easy corruption became "the caucus," and finally a term to denote the meetings.
Whether this be the origin or not of the word, one thing is certain—Mr. George W. Lawton has done a most commendable thing in the publication of his little book on The American Caucus System.[9] It is exceedingly useful, and the wonder is for us why some such work has not earlier issued from the press, for it meets the requirements of the multitudinous politicians and others who are never absent on "caucus nights." The author begins at the beginning of his theme, and shows how easily men, that is, mankind in general, choose to be controlled by political power, and to bear its burdens; he then establishes the axiom that the direction of political power is with the caucus, and goes on still further to explain what gives the caucus its authority, to compare caucus nominations with self-nominations, and then historically to trace the growth of the caucus, and, lastly, to describe the proceedings of, and how to conduct, a caucus meeting. From first to last, these pages are suggestive, timely, and embody a great deal of good sound sense.