“Ans. They are Christians, but not Protestant Christians. They are Roman Catholic Christians. I make a wide distinction between Protestants and Romanists” (p. 469).
Thus this man, professing himself an ambassador of Christ, deliberately puts himself on record as holding that pagans who know nothing of Christ’s atonement, and who, in his phrase, worship idols, are preferable to those who have had invoked upon them the name of God in baptism, who believe in the Divinity, bow at the name and hope to be saved by the merits of Jesus. Could the spirit of the most malevolent odium theologicum go further? Would such an assertion be believed of any ignorant communist, much less of one who claims to be a minister of Christ, were it not contained in print in the report of a Congressional committee? If the man believes so little in the influence of the religion of the Saviour whom he preaches as his statement would indicate, it is his duty at once to resign, and relieve the society which supports him of the burden of a salary which he cannot conscientiously earn. “Believe,” said the apostle, “in the Lord Jesus Christ, and thou shalt be saved!” “Not enough,” says Rev. Loomis; “you must be additionally a Protestant, or a belief in the Saviour will profit you no whit.” Has any man yet ever had a clear definition of that term, “Protestant”? Thomas à Kempis and St. Vincent of Paul, St. Augustine and St. Charles Borromeo, the glorious cohort of martyrs and confessors, would be dangerous citizens of the United States compared with Ah Sin and Fan Chow! This is certainly information of an unlooked-for kind, and the man competent to impart it does not usually hide his light in the dreary pages of a Congressional committee’s report. He says himself that he has been a missionary since 1844. By consequence he must have attained to a good age, and the great wonder to us is that a man of such astoundingly original views has not heretofore made his mark upon an age always anxious “to see or hear some new thing.”
The assertion that Catholics purpose to interfere with the rights of Protestants or other unbelievers, implied in the statement that the Chinese have no such intention, is both too indefinite and too futile for discussion. Catholics in all countries, but more especially in English-speaking countries, have for the past two hundred years had all they could manage to be allowed to follow the dictates of their own faith, free of legal pains and penalties, to have any time to spare for concocting plans against the civil or religious rights of others. In the only English-speaking state that they founded they established liberty of conscience, which statute was abolished by the friends of Mr. Loomis just as soon as they had the power.
But Mr. Loomis assigns reasons in favor of the superior desirability of pagan over Christian immigration, and the prominent ones seem to be that they have essentially no religion—or rather, that they have fifty; that they have no hierarchy; that, in fact, they do not support any religious system—to sum it up, that they are mixed up at home! How ill does not the adversary of mankind brook the distinctive unity of the church of God! Like Pharao’s magicians, everything else he can counterfeit or imitate; but the unity of the church is too much for him. Common sense teaches the most ignorant, that if our Saviour founded any church at all he founded one, and not four hundred jarring and jangling conventicles. Probably this is the gravamen. The Catholic, strong in the oneness of his church, and stanch in the conviction that everything not of it must be a sham emanating from the father of lies, will not be perverted by Mr. Loomis, charm he never so wisely; while, on the other hand, a lot of pagans, especially of pagans who were “considerably mixed up at home,” might furnish grist for Mr. Loomis’ peculiar gospel mill, with due toll for the miller. As with the apostle before, so this preacher now differs with the Saviour, who said and thought that there should be “one fold and one Shepherd.” Absit blasphemia! but the sects all differ widely both from the Master, his apostles, and the church, with which he promised to abide for ever.
Lest, however, any Catholic should lay to his soul the flattering unction that his American birth might eliminate him from the general unfitness of Catholics for citizenship in the United States or from an entire appreciation of the institutions of his native country, Mr. Loomis is very careful to inform us that it does not matter whether they be Europeans or of any other nationality; if they are Catholics, they are not so fit for immigration to this country, still less for the exercise of citizenship, as if they were “heathen Chinese.” Here is a man who declaims against Catholics and denounces them for purposing to interfere with the rights of those who disagree with them in religious views, and in the same breath argues the unfitness of a population of possibly nine millions for citizenship in his own country, they being at the time all residents, mostly citizens and largely natives, merely because they belong to the old religion—the religion of Charles Carroll of Carrollton. “Resolved,” said the meeting, “that the earth belongs to the saints.” “Resolved,” added the same body, “that we are the saints.” Did it ever by chance occur to our friend of decidedly original, if limited, intellect that Senator Casserly lives in his own town, and is looked upon, with some reason, as a representative man, very well posted upon American institutions, and that it would be very hard to persuade the people of the United States of any latent disability on the part of that senator to appreciate or support them? Mr. Loomis makes a great distinction between a Catholic and a Protestant, and no doubt the difference is considerable; but the chasm is by no means as great as that which separates the Christian from the bigot, and it is hard for us to put Mr. Loomis in the ranks of the former. Abeat Loomis.
Rev. W. W. Brier, after describing himself as “a Presbyterian minister by profession, who makes his living by raising fruit,” proceeds thus:
“Ques. Would a reasonable restriction of Chinamen be an advantage or not?
“Ans. If a restriction is to be made in respect to China, it ought to be made upon people who are far worse for us than Chinese. I would trade a certain nationality off for Chinamen until there was not one of the stock left in trade” (p. 575).
Other portions of his evidence show that he herein refers to the Irish as inferior to the Chinese. How he regards the latter is shown by his response to the suggestion of a possible danger resulting from the presence of sixty thousand Chinamen in the State, without any women of their kind, viz.:
“Ans. The fact is, they are laborers, and I regard them very much in the light I do any other thing we want to use—horses, mules, or machinery” (p. 577).