It shortly developed, as to the CONTENT of delusions, that somatic delusions were exceedingly prone to parallel the conditions found in the trunk-viscera and other non-nervous tissues of the subjects at autopsy.) A subsequent study has confirmed this conclusion for the distressing hypochondriacal delusions found in climacteric insanities, which delusions, however distressing, are often far less so than the true conditions found at autopsy. And it may be generally stated that the clinician can get very valuable points concerning the somatic interiors of his patients by reasoning back from the contents of their somatic delusions.
But how far can we, as psychiatrists, reason back from the contents of environmental delusions, e. g. those of persecution, to the actual conditions of a given patient's environment? In a few cases it seemed that something like a close correlation did exist between such allopsychic delusions and the conditions which had surrounded the patient—the delusory fears of insane merchants ran on commercial ruin, and certain women dealt in their delusions largely with domestic debacles. But on the whole, we could NOT say that, as the somatic delusions seemed to grow out of and somewhat fairly represent the conditions of the some, so the environmental delusions would appear to grow out of or fairly represent the environment.
Thus, however brilliant an idea was Wernicke's in constructing the allopsyche (or, as it were, social and environmental side of the mind) for the purpose of classification, our own analysis promised to show that for genetic purposes the allopsyche was much less valuable. These delusions having a social content pointed far more often inwards at the personality of the patient than outwards at the conditions of the world. And case after case, having apparently an almost pure display of environmental delusions, turned out to possess most obvious defects of intellect or of temperament which would forbid their owners to react properly to the most favourable of environments. Hence, we believe, it may be generally stated that the clinician is far less likely to get valuable points as to the social exteriors of his patients from the contents of their social delusions than he proved to be able to get when reasoning from somatic delusions to somatic interiors. Put briefly, the deluded patient is more apt to divine correctly the diseases of his body than his devilments by society.
Our statistical analysis, therefore, set us drifting toward disorder of personality as the source of many delusions apparently derived ab extra and tended to swell the group of autopsychic cases at the expense of the allopsychic group,
In the statistical analysis of a group of cases corresponding roughly with the so-called functional group of diseases, we find false beliefs about the some on a somewhat different plane from those about the patient's self and his worldly fortunes. We can even discern through the ruins of the paretic's reaction that his false beliefs concerning the body are often not so false after all, and that his damaged brain of itself is not so apt to return false ideas about his somatic interior as about his worldly importance and plight. There then seems to be more reality about somatic than about personal delusions: the contents of somatic delusions are rather more apt to correspond with demonstrable realities than the contents of personal delusions. Accordingly our analysis of delusional contents includes a hint also as to genesis. Taken naively, the facts suggest a somatic genesis for somatic delusions exactly in proportion as these delusions are not so much false beliefs as partially true ones.
What genetic hint have we for the delusions concerning personality? One genetic hint was obtained from a correlation of delusions with lesions in general paresis,[2] in which disease perhaps the most profound and disastrous of all alterations of personality are found. Amidst the other alterations of personality found in paresis, autopsychic delusions are characteristic: indeed allopsychic delusions are conspicuously few in our series. And, as above, the somatic delusions, fewer in number, can be fairly easily correlated with somatic lesions, or else with lesions of the receptor apparatus (thalamus) of the brain.
Now it was precisely the cases with autopsychic delusions, as well as with profound disorder of personality in general, that showed the brunt of the destructive paretic process in the frontal region. The other not-so-autopsychic cases did not show this frontal brunt, but were less markedly diseased at death and had a more diffuse process.
Our genetic hint from paresis, therefore, inclines us to the conception that this disorder of the believing process is more frontal than parietal, more of the anterior association area than of the posterior association area of the brain. And if we can trust our intuitions so far, the perverted believing process is thus more a motor than a sensory process, more a disorder of expression than a disorder of impression, more a perversion of the WILL TO BELIEVE than a matter of the rationality of a particular credo.
Again we may appear to burst through from an undergrowth of statistics into the clear field of truism. False beliefs are more practical than theoretical, more a matter of practical conduct than of passive experience, more a change of reagent than a reaction to change. The man on the street or even many a leading neurologist would perhaps accept this formula as his own.
Certainly in general the least satisfactory of these chapters on the nature of delusions was the chapter on environmental effects,[3] and this perhaps because the results seemed so nearly negative.