The Chinese Problem is one which is beset with so many difficulties—moral, social, religious, industrial, economic, international—that most thoughtful persons, probably, would prefer to leave it alone if the indulgence of private feeling in the matter could be made consistent with an adequate sense of public duty. As things have been, and still continue to be, however, silence is impossible. The question presses for solution, from many sides, with a painful persistency, and the further shelving of it would scarcely be good policy. Here in New England the problem may not confront us in that sternly practical aspect which it every day wears to the citizens of the Pacific Coast, and in other parts of the country, where considerable Chinese populations affect the industrial interests of the local communities. Nevertheless, its stable and satisfactory settlement is quite as much our concern as theirs. Indeed, recent incidents in and near Boston have made this perfectly plain. It is very true that the perpetration of outrage and violence on harmless and unoffending foreigners would not be tolerated for a moment by the public sentiment and lawful authorities of the New England and other Eastern States; but, in the judgment of other nations, not a section of the American people, but the whole nation, however unjustly, will be made to bear the responsibility of such lawless demonstrations of feeling as have recently taken place in the West, and endure the discredit and reproach of them.
Aside, therefore, altogether from the purely domestic bearing of this painful subject, there are strong and sufficient reasons why some immediate measures should be taken for the mitigation or removal of this grave national trouble. It is certainly not easy to say what is best to be done. Pride and prejudice of race is one of the most deep-seated and ineradicable of human infirmities, and one of the most difficult to deal with, especially when conjoined and complicated with other motives and passions equally, if not more, powerful. But, while the recent message of President Cleveland to Congress shows significantly enough how difficult the problem appears to a high-souled, benevolent minded, and practical statesman, it also contributes some valuable suggestions towards its solution, in the carrying out of which it is to be earnestly hoped he will be vigorously supported and assisted by congressional action.
A Short History of Napoleon the First.[F] Naturally gifted with a fine faculty for historical criticism, and possessing an uncommon breadth and completeness of information in that department of historical research which his professional duties have called him specially to cultivate, Professor Seeley's historical judgments have acquired a weight and authority quite their own. We were, therefore, prepared, before opening this book, to find in its pages a careful and discriminating estimate of the military career and character of the Child of the Revolution,—and we have not been disappointed. The task Professor Seeley set himself was one requiring as much courage as intelligence and critical skill; and he has displayed all these qualities in a most admirable manner, with the result that a great historical problem has been appreciably advanced towards its true solution. Mr. Seeley is quite aware of the difficult and delicate nature of his undertaking. This feeling betrays itself constantly. "He lends himself readily to unmeasured panegyric or invective," says the Professor, "but scarcely any historical person is so difficult to measure." Again: "No one can question that he leaves far behind him the Turennes, Marlboroughs, and Fredericks, but when we bring up for comparison an Alexander, a Hannibal, a Cæsar, a Charles, we find in the single point of marvellousness Napoleon surpassing them all. Every one of those heroes was born to a position of exceptional advantage. Two of them inherited thrones; Hannibal inherited a position royal in all but the name; Cæsar inherited an eminent position in a great empire. But Napoleon, who rose as high as any of them, began life as an obscure provincial, almost as a man without a country. It is the marvellousness which paralyzes our judgment. We seem to see at once a genius beyond all estimate, a unique character and a fortune utterly unaccountable."
But, while admitting that the personality and the fortune of Napoleon were both alike surprising, Mr. Seeley contends that it is only the accidental combination of both which has impressed and captivated the imagination of mankind; and he believes that the separation of these factors by a calm exercise of the judgment will greatly simplify the problem and reduce the marvel of the great soldier's achievements. There will, of course, be some divergence of opinion as to this, but it seems to us that, on the whole, it is a judgment which subsequent historians will be likely to accept without serious modifications. It can hardly be called an absolutely impartial judgment. At no more than a distance of seventy years from Waterloo, that was not in the nature of things possible, if indeed it will ever be. The historian that would tell the story of the French Revolution, and estimate the character and result of Napoleon's military and political action, without bias or betrayal of personal sympathy or antipathy, would be a most extraordinary person; he could not be an Englishman; he could not be a Frenchman; he could not be a German; he could scarcely be an American, for obvious reasons. Bearing this in mind we cannot but think that Mr. Seeley has achieved considerable success in the difficult task he has undertaken in the later and more valuable portion of his book. Fully admitting, as he does, Napoleon's extraordinary military talents, his astonishing versatility and fruitfulness of resource, the promptitude, rapidity, and unerring precision of his movements, Mr. Seeley maintains that what is really marvellous is the remarkable combination of favorable circumstances which at the outset furnished his field, and the equally remarkable flow of good fortune which made him so successful in it. Commenting on the brilliant victory of Marengo, which the professor designates "his crowning victory," he says, "Genius is prodigally displayed, and yet an immense margin is left for fortune." He points out Napoleon's superstitious belief in his own unfailing good luck, and shows how, by expecting results entirely unwarranted by the probabilities, as at Leipsic, for instance, his strange hallucination finally proved ruinous to himself and to France.
The thanks of all lovers of literature are due to our enterprising contemporary, the Century, for securing and presenting to the public the opinions of leading American journalists, authors, and scholars on the subject of international copyright. The truly laudable endeavor of the Century Company to obtain for the noble army of thinkers and writers on both sides the Atlantic the protection they desire and deserve will, it is hoped, not prove vain and futile. That any immediate and satisfactory step will be taken in this direction is scarcely to be expected. But the discussion of the question, in the form presented by the Century, will, at least, do something to break up the supineness and indifference of the reading public. That once done, some substantial redress of an old-standing grievance will not be much longer delayed.
FOOTNOTES:
[F] Boston: Roberts Brothers.