All countries, from the most despotic to the most liberal, from the most conservative to the most radical, have left this question of the social evil to the police, and have not dared, through their legislative bodies, to thoroughly consider and pass laws to eradicate it. Such meager legislation as has been passed has been ignored in the congested centers of population, and generally such legislation has not been supported by the public sentiment of those communities. Legislation has been generally of a merely prohibitive character, ignoring existing conditions, together with the army of human beings living upon vice, for whom some provision must be made.
Even if the legislatures could be induced to take up this question and pass general laws, it would necessarily follow that such laws in their generality must look to the future, rather than to the present, and existing conditions would have to be left to some other authority.
In every large city there are thousands engaged in prostitution. They can neither be exterminated by the fiat of law nor reformed by the passage of proclamations. Public morals, like private morals, can be improved only gradually. It is not so much the theoretical question of to be or not to be, but the practical situation summed up in such phrases as: It is—it will for a time remain. The future—what is it to be?
Would it not be wise to ask the legislature to pass a law requiring every city to appoint a body of men to draft, and from time to time revise, a code of laws to regulate, suppress, exterminate, and generally to deal with, this problem of prostitution? To it must be given authority. It must be vested with legislative power. It should have its own employes—call it a morals police force, if you wilt—to carry into effect the rules, regulations and laws passed by this commission. That men could be obtained to act upon such a commission, public-spirited, representative students of social questions, I fully believe. No one would accept a place on such a board who was not interested in the welfare of his community. The responsibilities would be fearful; the criticism would be severe. No one without a blameless life would dare to act. Whether or not ultimately the regular police force could be used by such a commission would be a question of policy. At any rate, for the present, I believe it would be unwise.
Such a commission would collect data of inestimable value, data that was reliable, and of which there is now none worth while. Such a commission would doubtless make mistake after mistake, perhaps would depart from all its preconceived notions at the start. Nevertheless, it is reasonable to assume that step by step it would gradually and slowly work out a solution. Looking the country over, we see that voluntary organizations have accomplished temporary good, but their effort has never been persistent, continuous, permanent, authoritative, legal.
The adoption of the plan suggested would take out of the hands of those wholly unfitted for so great an undertaking this momentous question, and place it in the hands of others who we would have the right to assume would ultimately be found to deal with it, so far as human intelligence, study, observation and experiment can enable and qualify men to deal with it.
Another and a greatly to be desired result would also be accomplished. It would remove from the police that which today contaminates the organization, so that in every city they have been brought under a suspicion unfortunately too frequently deserved, an opprobrium too justly applied.
The casting of this burden upon the police, more than any other cause, sows the seed of corruption, furnishes the opportunity for profit, brings into alliance the law officers and the law-breakers, disgraces the police force, and keeps off of it many men who would otherwise be glad to serve their communities in a position that should command the respect and consideration of the people.
This police burden has in turn been the biggest rock upon which self-government has capsized in our American cities.