In the course of the years, however, his confidence in Jodl’s tactical ability increased again considerably; he had complete confidence in his tactical capacity. The personal relations of both gentlemen were never very close.
DR. EXNER: Is it known to you that, particularly in 1945, withdrawal from the Geneva Convention was being considered? Do you know what attitude Jodl took at that time?
GÖRING: It may have been February 1945, when Minister Goebbels made this proposal to the Führer. This proposal met with the utmost opposition by all of us. In spite of that the Führer reverted to it again and again, and for days was inclined to withdraw from this Convention. The reason given was, oddly enough, that there were too many deserters in the west and that the troops were inclined to surrender too easily. The Führer was of the opinion that if the troops knew that in captivity they were no longer protected by the Geneva Convention, they would fight harder and would not react to the extensive enemy propaganda telling them how well they would be treated if they stopped fighting. The united efforts, in which, of course, Jodl participated, succeeded in dissuading the Führer with the argument that this action would cause great disturbance among the German people and anxiety for their relatives in captivity.
DR. EXNER: One more question. Before the Norwegian campaign, Jodl entered in his diary—it has been mentioned here before: “The Führer is looking for a pretense.” But that is incorrect. The original reads: “for a basis.” Now, to what extent did the Führer look for a basis at that time?
GÖRING: I remember this point also very well and therefore, I can state under oath that the use of the word “basis” or “pretense” is entirely out of place here. The case was as follows:
The Führer knew exactly, and we knew as well, and had rather extensive intelligence and reliable reports to the effect that Norway was to be occupied by the Allies, England and France. I mentioned this the other day. In order to prevent this, the Führer wanted to act first. He spoke about the fact, that for us the basis of an Anglo-French attack was clear, but that we had not sufficient proof for the outside world. Hitler explained that he was still trying to get evidence. It would have been better if Jodl had written, not that the Führer was still looking for a basis, but—according to what the Führer meant—that the Führer was still looking for conclusive evidence for the outside world. Evidence as such we had. This was one thing. The second was that generally, for such steps the Foreign Office had to execute the necessary preparatory work including the drafting of notes. In the case of Norway, however, the Führer advised the Foreign Office only, I believe, 24 or 48 hours in advance. He did not want to inform it at all at that time because he kept the entire plan extremely secret. I remember that I, as Commander-in-Chief of the Air Force, was informed of this plan at a very late date. This secrecy was the second reason why he himself was concerned with finding a basis for the attack. These were the two reasons. I would like to state again that it would have been expressed much more clearly if he had said that the Führer was looking for evidence, rather than for a basis.
DR. EXNER: If I understand correctly, you mean evidence showing that the British had the intention of occupying Norway?
GÖRING: We had the report, but the final written evidence we received only later.
DR. EXNER: The Führer had no doubt about this?
GÖRING: Not for a moment, none of us had any doubt about it. We received the evidence later.