It seems to me that he speaks too much as an accuser, the sole role he really wants to assume according to his own words. For the prosecutor—especially in Anglo-American procedure—the word “justice” has a different meaning than for the judge, let alone the defendant. Unquestionably Justice Jackson thinks of himself not only as a prosecutor but to a large degree also as politician. To him this Trial is to serve not only as an atonement for wrongs committed, but also, and above all, in order to develop legal principles which he wishes to enforce by precedence and from which he expects a consolidation of international law for the prevention of future wars. Whoever approaches a cause with so many preconceived opinions and intentions lives in so completely different a world from that of the defendants, that from them to him, and vice versa, hardly any ways of understanding will be found.
As far as the political side of this Trial is concerned, I have already stated why it must not exert any influence on the course of the proceedings. I merely wish to point out here that a policy applied by the victors to the vanquished, which perhaps may be characterized as one of “least resistance,” has once before proved to be a failure—namely, with regard to the question of disarmament under the Versailles Treaty.
If Justice Jackson really wishes to forego straightforward decision by force and is prepared to become a party to and submit to a legal procedure, although not bound to do so, then he will have to forego presenting arguments which do not belong in a legal procedure. A hybrid, which is neither a clear act of violence nor a trial in the usual sense—however much one may try to place it in a halfway position under the name of a political trial—is an absurdity. It is true that history knows of other so-called “political” trials of similarly vague character. I want to point out only the sentencing of Louis XVI by the French National Assembly. There, however, it was clear from the composition of the judicial gremium as well as from the procedure employed, that this was not a matter of finding justice but amounted simply to a revolutionary act of violence, and courage to proceed with it was found in mutual exhortation. But here outstanding professional judges have been entrusted with the proceedings by the victorious powers. They have been given certain directions by the Charter, but otherwise their judicial discernment was granted the most far-reaching authority. There can be no doubt that the politicians called upon the judges to relieve them of a job which they could not manage themselves. And now the judges will have to decide by their own competence if and in how far they are able to execute the mandate. With any remainder the politicians will have to manage somehow or other on their own.
I was not able to pick a single one from among Justice Jackson’s arguments which might cause the Tribunal to punish acts which were not punishable at the time of their perpetration. For this reason I shall examine the individual points of the Indictment only from the legal situation prevailing at the time of perpetration.
Of the crimes of which all the defendants are accused the conspiracy is most extensive as regards time and object. Professor Exner, in his capacity as a university teacher of criminal law, has given special attention to this legal conception for our Trial. In order to save time by avoiding a duplicate report, Professor Exner has placed the result of his research at my disposal. In conformity with him I have to present the following regarding this question.
The concept of conspiracy belongs to the sphere of Anglo-American law. Even there, however, it is in no way uncontested; remarkably enough, some opinion in England has it that this conception is long since obsolete: “It has been said that in England this law has become entirely disused.”
In these proceedings it is a different point that matters. The concept of conspiracy as used by the Prosecution is entirely unknown to German law. I would like, therefore, to begin my short legal argument with two questions which give rise to doubts.
(1) May a criminal procedure, bent on realizing justice, employ legal concepts which are and always have been utterly alien to the defendants and to the legal trend of thought of their people?
(2) How would this be consistent with the rule nullum crimen sine lege praevia, a principle which the British chief prosecutor has acknowledged as a fundamental principle of civilized criminal law?
Can it be honestly stated that already before 1939 not only the initiation of an illegal war was held to be an act punishable individually, but also the conspiracy to initiate such a war? The affirmative answer to this question given by the Prosecution has surprised not only Germany. May I clear up, in this connection, a misunderstanding. It has been said that the National Socialist State itself had issued criminal laws ignoring the rule of nullum crimen sine lege, so that the defendants had no right to invoke this rule. It is by no means my purpose to defend National Socialist criminal law, but honesty compels me to say that this is an error. The Third Reich has—as mentioned before—issued three laws increasing the penalty for an action with retroactive effect by applying the death penalty to acts which carried, when committed, prison sentences only. But in no case so far was a lawful act declared punishable, nor an act which was not a crime when committed retroactively converted into a crime. And that is the case here.