Through the participation of Great Britain and France, the conflict in Eastern Europe grew into a European one, inevitably followed by the universal war. The entry in the war of the powers mentioned took place according to the form provided by the Third Hague Convention concerning the opening of hostilities, that is, an ultimatum with a conditional declaration of war.
At the session of 19 March 1946, Mr. Justice Jackson, interpreting the Indictment, stressed the point that the extension of the war brought about by the Western Powers did not constitute a punishable aggression on the side of Germany. This interpretation is in keeping with his general argument concerning the concept of aggression. If he wished to carry this through quite consistently, he would logically have to declare Great Britain and France aggressors against Germany for having brought about the state of war by means of the ultimatum.
I believe I am in agreement with the Prosecution when I express the supposition that such a result would not meet with its approval. The Prosecution have presented their evidence in such a way as to enter into the political-historical background of the war. They have accordingly not been satisfied with relying on the formal legal definition or any single criterion thereof. They herewith confirm my conclusion, presented by me to the Court, that the definition proposed by the Prosecution is no suitable basis for the qualification of the indeterminable concept of aggression.
May I confirm, according to events at the outbreak of the war, the following:
The Kellogg Pact and the concept of aggression, the Prosecution’s pillars, do not sustain the Indictment. The Kellogg Pact had no legally conceived substance for states, much less for individuals. The attempt to put life into it afterwards by means of a formal concept of aggression was frustrated by political reality.
Herr Von Ribbentrop’s share in the extension of the conflict to Scandinavia was so small that it hardly can be laid to his charge as an individual action.
The interrogations of the witnesses Grossadmiral Raeder and Field Marshal Keitel have shown beyond doubt that as a matter of fact Herr Von Ribbentrop was informed of this operation for the first time only 36 hours in advance. His contribution was solely the elaboration of notes prescribed to him in content and form.
Concerning the actual facts, namely the imminent violation of Scandinavian neutrality by the Western Powers, he was limited to the information communicated to him. The evidence has shown, and I shall set forth later in legal argument, that he as Minister for Foreign Affairs was not competent to check this information and that he did not possess any actual means to do so. Presuming that this information was true, he could justly assume that the German Reich behaved in the intended action quite in accordance with international law. I leave more detailed argument concerning this point of law to my colleague, Dr. Siemers, well conversant with this point, whose client, Grossadmiral Raeder, had submitted to Hitler a large amount of enemy information and the proposal for a German occupation of Scandinavia.
In the case of Belgium and the Netherlands it has been proved by evidence that unlimited maintenance of the neutrality of the Belgian-Dutch territory by these countries themselves could not be guaranteed. Even previous to the war there existed between the General Staffs of the Western Powers and those of both neutral countries agreements and constant exchange of practical knowledge concerning tactics and occupation in case of a conflict with Germany. Detailed deployment plans and fortification systems built under supervision of officers detached for that purpose by the Western Powers were meant to prepare the reception of Allied forces. These projects included not only co-operation of the armies concerned, but also the assignment of certain civilian authorities to assist in the supply and the advance of the Allies.
Important about these preparations is the fact that they were made not only for the case of defense, but also for the offensive. For this reason Belgium and the Netherlands could not or would not defend themselves against British bomber formations continuously flying over them, with the immediate aim of destroying the Ruhr district, the Achilles heel of the German war industry. This area was also the main goal of the Allies for an offensive on land.