With the Court’s permission I shall now deal with the alleged conspiracy for the planning and preparation of aggressive wars and the violation of treaties. Within the framework of such a conspiracy, the defendant is apparently to be held responsible in his capacity as Minister for Foreign Affairs and the offices formerly held by him in the diplomatic service.
This kind of conspiracy apparently deals with any act or plan which has any connection with war, its preparation, outbreak, and course. As the individual acts within this enormous range are irrelevant themselves as regards criminality and until now have never been conceived from the point of view of criminality under “outbreak of war,” this kind of conspiracy does not contain any facts so far known by any system of criminal law in the world. Therefore I can investigate this complex only from the point of view of Von Ribbentrop’s ministerial position and his relation to the German Reich which waged the various wars.
Herr Von Ribbentrop, from 4 February 1938, held the position of a Minister of Foreign Affairs of the German Reich. As shown by the evidence, Herr Von Ribbentrop was called to his office on 4 February 1938 at a time when the actual leadership of foreign policy had already passed to Hitler in his double capacity of Reich Chancellor and head of the State. I have submitted as a document Hitler’s speech of 19 July 1940 delivered at the Kroll Opera House in which he emphasized that Herr Von Ribbentrop had had to handle foreign policy for years according to Hitler’s political directives. Herr Von Ribbentrop, therefore, did not hold the position of a minister as understood by modern political constitutions. As shown in the above-mentioned speech, he did not hold it either in fact or in law. This is shown by an examination of the public law of the Third Reich.
According to constitutional law, as it has developed in modern states in the course of the nineteenth and in the beginning of the twentieth century, the department of the Minister of Foreign Affairs belongs to the executive departments. The Minister for Foreign Affairs has to share with the Prime Minister the responsibility of conducting foreign policy. In a parliamentary democracy this involves responsibility towards the representatives of the people; in a monarchical or presidential constitution responsibility toward the head of the state. Such responsibility is actually of political importance only and results in the resignation of a minister from his office when he no longer enjoys the confidence of parliament or of the head of the state. Most constitutions make provisions for the indictment of a minister by the representatives of the people in case of violation of official duties. But even when convicted by a constitutional court, through some kind of criminal procedure, the minister is not punished; but his conduct is merely declared to have been wrong.
Both possibilities to call ministers to account were provided by the German constitution of the Weimar Republic. The indicting of a minister was however never put into practice.
The state law of the Third Reich brought a complete change in these matters. A short time after Hitler had come to power parliament was asked, with reference to existing internal difficulties, to give its consent to an Enabling Act. The German people and its representatives expected at the time that this authorization was to be used temporarily and merely for the removal of actual distress. This law became, however, the foundation of a complete readjustment of the constitution.
The possibility of parliamentary responsibility no longer existed. It changed into responsibility towards the Führer and Reich Chancellor, in whose person the authority relinquished by parliament now rested. Now there remained but one responsibility: that toward the head of the State. Starting from this parliamentary authorization, all functions deriving from the authority of the State were concentrated more and more in Hitler personally. The traditional division of power, the result of a struggle for constitutional rights lasting more than a century, became, by the fusion of all means of power, an empty shell and thereby obsolete. Full powers were concentrated in the hands of the Führer, who made use of them separately through his plenipotentiaries. The constitutional jurisprudence of the Third Reich designated this as change from the actual to the functional division of power.
The individual minister, after this change had taken place, did not act any longer on his own responsibility but only on the order he had received from the head of the State. What applied to the individual also applied to the former Reich Cabinet. It had no longer any influence on state leadership but constituted merely a collective term for various branches of the administration which were technically separated. As the political tasks no longer existed with which normally the ministers as a group—that is, the Cabinet—had to deal, the tasks of the council of ministers were automatically settled by the very weight of the facts themselves. Therefore, as the hearing of witnesses has shown, it never met during Von Ribbentrop’s period of office.
Even the designation “minister” did not signify any longer the head of a government department but became a mere title expressing a rank.
The result of this reform was that the Minister for Foreign Affairs also no longer had the right to determine the outline of foreign policy. Evidence has shown this fact also in the form of speeches and utterances of Hitler, in which, for instance after the occupation of the Rhineland and the Anschluss of Austria, he said that he had brought about these—as he called them—“great decisions” against the will of his advisers on his own resolve, referring to his responsibility toward the German people and to history. Seen from the point of view of constitutional law, this means that no minister had any possibility of preventing the decisions. Neither had he constitutionally any authority to examine the legality of the Führer’s decisions. For the above-mentioned concentration of all functions of state power in Hitler’s person, shows that he had both legislative and executive authority. Any pattern for the acts of legislation was no longer provided for in the Third Reich. Also there was no measure by which one could gauge from the tenor of the Führer’s decision whether he acted in his capacity as legislator or as head of the executive authority. The conception of material law, which in Germany as in all continental states was well established up to the assumption of power, completely lost its meaning. Even individual directives were given in the form of laws.