Any organized resistance headed by a national government came to an end when the German Armed Forces were utterly defeated and the whole of the German territory occupied by the Allies. The four principal victorious powers, which form this Tribunal, acquired by their might a legal right recognized by international law to decide the fate of the German national territory. They could have divided Germany up. But they chose another way. In the Berlin Declaration of 5 June 1945, they assumed “supreme authority within Germany, including all the powers possessed by the German Government, the High Command of the Armed Forces, and any state, municipal, or local government or authority.” But this was all. The declaration expressly emphasized that the transfer of the authority did not mean the annexation of Germany. The exercise of the claimed rights was transferred to the Control Commission, composed of the commanders-in-chief of the four occupation zones.
Since the Berlin Declaration, Germany has been in a provisional state which is still prevailing. At the Potsdam Conference held in July 1945 the four powers among themselves made further agreements, of which we were informed by the communiqué of 2 August 1945. The Potsdam Agreement for the establishing of a Council of Foreign Ministers transfers to the said Council the preparation of a peace settlement, which is to be accepted by a German government “when a government suitable for this purpose has been organized.” A second agreement provides regulations concerning Germany while under Allied control.
This wording makes it clear that Germany is to remain a national state, that it is being placed under Allied control, and that the establishment of a German government is intended. This government is thereupon to accept peace conditions. This involves a government which is in a position to enter into commitments toward foreign powers as a partner qualified in international law.
The victors have accordingly chosen to exercise the right of decision given to them by conquest in such a way that the German State will not be destroyed. During the transition period they themselves exercise the functions of the temporarily non-existing German Government. We are, therefore, entitled to take the Potsdam Declaration as a conjecture for the legal review of Germany’s position.
The German State, accordingly, has not been annihilated. It would therefore be wrong, juridically speaking, and we would incur the reproach of lack of historical understanding, if we considered as new that state the direction of which is envisaged under its own government. Germany is burdened with obligations which arose from her past. This is possible only if the state, upon whose behavior the obligation was based and who one day must answer for it, is regarded as the same legal body. Though the German State, at the moment, is not in position to act according to international law through its own organs, it has not vanished from the sphere of the international legal order.
Thus, in view of the fact that M. de Menthon’s premise is untenable, his final deductions cannot be accepted. Therefore the jurisdiction of the victorious powers over German subjects with regard to their acts connected with politics cannot be based on current international law. Thus the Charter abandons the international legal code. Furthermore, it contradicts fundamental principles of criminal law. If the French prosecutor is of the opinion that the Tribunal exercises the penal authority of the German State, a state which according to his opinion does not exist at this time, then he must logically apply the sentence nullum crimen sine lege to the criminal law existing in Germany. An act could therefore be punishable only if at the time of its commission it was punishable according to the German law. This does not apply either to personal criminal responsibility for the violation of international treaties and assurances or to the participation in the Conspiracy or Common Plan.
In recognition of this, the Control Council for Germany in its Proclamation Number 3 has reinstituted in the system of German criminal law two constitutional principles from which the Hitler regime had deviated, namely, prohibition of retroaction and analogy.
The political criminal concepts of the Charter set a standard of new legal principles which must be considered as the embryo of a code of world law. Herr Von Ribbentrop, at the time when the incriminating events took place, lacked the apperception that there might be such a code of world law.
One can dispense with the necessity for ruling in advance that an act is criminal only in the very few cases where the cruelty of the act is so evident that there can be no doubt as to its deserving punishment. This could hold good for acts which were not punished in Germany during the last years solely in consequence of certain measures of the abnormal amorality of the Hitler regime.
I have heretofore presented the evidence from the point of view of valid international law and the Charter which you, Mr. President, in the session of 20 June 1946, again stressed as the basis for legal findings in these proceedings. Up to now, the code of international law has been unable to solve the problems which are to be decided here. On the basis of this inadequacy the second World War broke out.