“In summarizing it must be said, concerning the question of taking hostages and the execution of hostages, that according to existing practices and probably also according to existing rules of international law, the taking of hostages in occupied territory is permissible under international law insofar as hostages are taken in order to guarantee the proper legal behavior of the enemy civilian population. According to the commentary by Waltzog, which is standard for the German conduct of warfare, it is also a formal requirement, whenever hostages are taken according to unwritten international law (common law), that such taking of hostages, the reasons therefor, and in particular the threat of their execution must be brought to the knowledge of those for whose lawful behavior the hostages are to go bail. The question as to whether it is permissible to execute hostages cannot be interpreted unequivocally. The German jurisprudents of international law, like Meurer, the Englishman, Spaight, and the Frenchmen, Sorel and Funck, consider this permissible in the extremes of emergency, and therefore not contrary to international law.”
During the whole course of this Trial, no order made such a deep impression on the mind of the public as did the Night and Fog Decree. This was an order which originated during the fight waged against acts of sabotage and against the resistance movement in France. As a result of the withdrawal of troops in connection with the campaign against the Soviet Union, the number of plots aimed against the security of German troops stationed in France, and in particular the acts of sabotage aimed at the destruction of all means of communication increased daily. This necessitated increased activity on the part of the counterintelligence offices, which in its turn led to proceedings being taken and sentences being passed by military courts against members of the resistance movement and their accomplices. These sentences were very severe. In addition to a large proportion of death sentences, sentences of imprisonment were also passed. The reports made almost daily during the situation conferences led to violent disputes in which Hitler, in accordance with his usual habit, tried to find someone on whom to put the blame; in this instance he fixed upon the far too cumbersome handling of military justice. In his spontaneous and explosive way, he ordered directives to be worked out for a rapid, effective, and lasting intimidation of the population. He declared that imprisonment could not be considered an effective means of intimidation. To Keitel’s objection that it was impossible to sentence everyone to death and that military courts would, in any case, refuse to co-operate, he replied that he did not care. Offenses found sufficiently grave to necessitate the imposition of capital punishment without very lengthy court proceedings would continue to be dealt with as before—that is, by the courts—but where this was not the case, he would order the suspected persons to be brought secretly to Germany and all news of their fate to be withheld, since the publication of prison sentences in occupied territory was robbed of its intimidating effect by the prospect of the amnesty to be expected at the end of the war.
The Defendant Keitel thereupon consulted the chief of the Judge Advocate’s Office of the Armed Forces and the chief of the counterintelligence office (Canaris), who is also the originator of the letter of 2 February 1942, Document UK-35, on the procedure to be followed. When repeated applications made to Hitler to refrain from this procedure, or at least not to insist upon complete secrecy, had no effect, they finally submitted a draft which we have before us in the well-known decree of 7 December 1941.
The staff of experts and the Defendant Keitel had succeeded in establishing the competency of the Reich Administration of Justice for the persons removed to Germany (see last paragraph of directives of 7 December 1941). Keitel had guaranteed this stipulation by means of the first Enactment Decree governing the directives, in which he specified (last sentence in Paragraph I, IV) that unless orders to the contrary were issued by the OKW, the case would be turned over to the civil authorities in accordance with Section 3, Paragraph 2, second sentence, of the Articles of War. The defendant believed that in this way he had at least made certain that the persons concerned would have the benefit of regular court proceedings and that in accordance with the German regulations for the accommodation and treatment of prisoners on trial and prisoners serving a sentence, there would be no danger to life and limb. Keitel and his staff of experts reassured themselves by the fact that however cruel the suffering and suspense endured by those concerned might be, the lives of the deported persons had at least been saved.
In this connection, allusion is also made to the text of the covering letter of 12 December 1941. As the Codefendant General Jodl stated during his examination, a certain wording was regularly adopted to indicate that the signatory did not agree with the order submitted. The covering letter begins with the words: “It is the carefully considered desire of the Führer ...”
The closing sentence runs: “The attached directives ... represent the Führer’s views.”
Persons who received such letters knew from that wording that here was another order of the Führer which could not be evaded, and concluded that the order should be applied as leniently as possible.
The letter of 2 February 1942 originated with the counterintelligence office (Amt Ausland Abwehr), and the original which is before you must have been signed by Canaris. At that time the defendant was not in Berlin where, after promulgation of the decree of 7 December 1941, the matter was dealt with further. Keitel, at the Führer’s headquarters, was not informed of the contents of the letter. In connection with the above remarks, the possibility of leniency in application, which might be deduced from the wording of the letter, resided in the fact that counterintelligence offices were directed “to insure as far as possible before making the arrest that they were in possession of sufficient evidence to justify a conviction of the offender.” The competent military court had also to be approached before the arrest took place with a view to ascertaining whether the evidence was adequate.
In Germany the persons concerned were to be handed over to the Reich Administration of Justice. The correctness of the Defendant Keitel’s assumption in this respect is borne out by the fact that Canaris, in view of his attitude with which the Tribunal is familiar, would never have ordered a prisoner to be handed over to the Gestapo. As already stated, the Defendant Keitel did not know of the letter of 2 February 1942.
Although the Defendant Keitel believed that he had succeeded as far as possible in safeguarding those in question, the Night and Fog Decree, as it was later called, weighed heavily on his mind. Keitel does not deny that this decree is incompatible with international law and that he knew that.