I once more refer to Mr. Jackson’s statement that Rosenberg’s nationalism, or militarism, was “wild.” In this connection I should like to refer only to the fact that such nationalism was a compensatory symptom, which is easily found in a conquered country.
The accusation dealing with anti-Christianity and neopaganism is something which I have already mentioned, and I should just like to refer to it. I have dealt with the term “master race,” mentioning the fact that these words are not found in Rosenberg’s works at all.
Concerning the Party Program, I stated that Rosenberg did not draft it, but only supplied a commentary upon it, and that it is not a question of what is contained in the Party Program, but rather with what its effect was. I referred to the witness Funk, who stated that his first action and his first program as Minister of Economics had no reference at all to the Party Program, but was simply democratic and liberal.
The Party Program was adhered to neither in a positive nor a negative sense. The government was carried on just as in other states, on the basis of general necessity.
May it please the Tribunal, I shall turn to the charge that Rosenberg was the delegate of the Führer for the supervision of all education and spiritual ideology within the NSDAP. During the reading of the affidavit by Dr. Eppe I pointed to the fact that Rosenberg, as head of this office, had no executive power, and that Rosenberg interpreted the duties of his office in such a way that he published magazines on all cultural and scientific topics, especially the NS Monatshefte, the polemic political contents of which, after 1933, were more and more superseded by historical, scientific, and cultural subjects. On the basis of all the literature at our disposal it is not in accordance with the facts that Rosenberg interpreted his position as one from which to sow hatred. After 1933 he mainly endeavored to intensify and promote new definite talent. I have said in addition that this nonpolitical office concentrated its efforts on exercising a regulating and guiding influence on all noble and cultural values which manifested themselves.
May it please the Tribunal, I shall now turn to the topic: “Morality as a basis of the Indictment.” I should like to ask the High Tribunal, even though I do not propose to read this passage, to consider it as having been presented by me. I refer to Pages 82a through 82g, and I should like to ask the High Tribunal for permission not to read this matter and yet to have this matter considered as having been submitted in its entirety and read into the record. I shall now sum up ...
THE PRESIDENT: Dr. Thoma, all the speech will be taken as being presented to the Tribunal. By your summarizing it, you are not excluding it from the record of the Tribunal. The Tribunal will take note of it all.
DR. THOMA: Thank you, Mr. President.
I shall now sum up in conclusion, and I should like to point out the following:
... that he is to be understood as a phenomenon of psychic compensation, as often appears in a conquered people. In addition, Germany, situated in the middle of Europe, was always exposed to so many political and military dangers that military circles in Germany, particularly after the entrance into the Ruhr in 1923, were necessarily particularly sensitive on national questions. As a German Balt he was brought up in a national way of feeling that led him to expect more of self-assertion and mobilization for defense than of the disappointments resulting from the international negotiations carried on up to that time. He was always ready for an understanding based on equal representation (Document Number 003-PS, Exhibit Number USA-603).