The brief survey of the preceding pages reveals the existence of a German chemical policy pursued vigorously for many years before the war. It also shows how this policy developed in America, the chief neutral country, during the war period, for two years before her entry.

The Americans have also established beyond doubt the active co-operation between the German Government and the I.G. But, if the policy of the German Government and of the organic chemical industry had many points in common before the war, they became one before hostilities were many months old. The part played by the I.G. in munitions production, in which it was virtually a tool of the Government, has already been seen. It must be remembered that, after the first Battle of the Marne, the German Government turned to the I.G. for a large part of its explosives and practically all its poison gas, and, as has been stated on many occasions, and with reason, Germany would not have been able to continue the war after the summer of 1915 but for the commercial development of the Haber process by the I.G. The story is too well known to repeat at length. The basic element of explosives is nitrogen, which is introduced by nitric acid. This was produced from imported Chili saltpetre, but the blockade cut short these imports, and but for the Haber method, the vital step in producing nitric acid from the air, Germany would have been compelled to abandon the struggle.

There is striking coincidence between the commencement of the Great War and the successful completion of certain vital German chemical developments. As late as 1912 Germany still depended on other countries, chiefly England, for her phenol, the basic raw material for picric acid as well as a dye necessity. Soon after that date the development of the Bayer plant made her independent in that product, and gave her, in fact, an exportable surplus.

War Activities of the I.G.—Reviewing all these activities and realising how they all emanate from this one organisation, we are overwhelmed by its formidable nature as an offensive and defensive weapon in time of war. Here we have an organisation, the I.G., whose sinister pre-war ramifications dominated the world by their hold on the supply of organic chemicals vital for peace and war. This organisation functioned, in a sense, as the life blood of German offensive warfare. German sources tell us very little of the war activities and future significance of the I.G. A veil of secrecy seems to be cast over the whole matter, but behind this veil must exist an acute realisation of the value of the I.G. as a trump card for the future. Krupp is uncovered, the whole world was alarmed at its meaning for war, but heard with a comfortable sense of security how Krupp was exchanging the sword for the plough. But the gigantic I.G. controls in its great hand a sword or plough for war or peace at will. This is no far-fetched metaphor.

The Rhine Factories and the Armistice,—It therefore becomes important to inquire into the attitude and activities of the I.G. since the Armistice, and to examine its position in world reconstruction. For one brief period, the few weeks following the Armistice, the German dye industries appear to have been without policy, its leaders in confusion. But with the confidence inspired by the Allied Rhineland occupation, with the assistance provided by the Allied controlling organisations, with regard to labour, fuel, and commercial transactions, the industrial morale speedily recovered.

The tide of revolution which accompanied the German debacle in the autumn of 1918 swept over the Rhineland chemical factories. Colonel Norris, writing on his visit in February, 1919, tells us that after peace was restored by the Allied forces:[1]— "the managers of several factories agreed that the occupation of the territory was the best thing that could have happened. On the other side of the Rhine, labour refused to work, and demanded unheard-of pay—everything was topsy-turvy. In fact, before the Allied armies arrived, revolutionary notions were growing rapidly along the Rhine. One director of a well-known chemical plant is said to have escaped by night with his life by way of the river, when his employees were especially menacing. When the British Army came he returned, and is now at his old post." Thus, although the I.G. was model in its institutions for the welfare of employees, at least one of its most prominent directors was compelled to take refuge from infuriated labour. What with danger from the latter, and the uncertainty of action by the oncoming Allied troops, the future of the factories appeared very gloomy. In fact, there are fairly credible rumours that the German directors were willing to dispose of their assets to the Allies while they remained intact. But the same Allied troops, whose advent was feared, rolled back the tide of revolution from the banks of the Rhine, and restored industrial security. It is doubtful whether the investing armies realised the full war significance of these factories, except the French. The latter instituted a fairly thorough control almost at once. But, judging from reports of different missions to these factories, we were even backward in organising inspection of the purely munitions plants. Thus the Hartley Mission did not materialise until three months had elapsed.

[1] Journal of Industrial and Engineering Chemistry, Vol. XI., 1919, Page 817.

War Mentality of the I.G.—We watch a vivid impression of the war mentality of the I.G. in a few phrases from Colonel Norris's account: "Around the walls of the director's room was a beautifully painted and artistic frieze which pictured the various plants of the Bayer Company and their activities. Dr. Duisberg, the director, pointed out proudly to the Americans the view of the company's plant on the Hudson River. We were not surprised to see it, although pre-war advertisements had assured us at home that Bayer aspirin had been made on the Hudson for years by an American company. During the war an ante-room had been decorated in a similar way, with pictures illustrating the activity of the plant in the preparation of war-gas materials. One saw how gas was made, shells were filled, and gas masks assembled. The work was done by an artist, and has a permanent value. The fact that the thing was conceived and executed during the stress of war throws an interesting sidelight on German character." Incidentally, it also throws a further sidelight upon the part played by Leverkusen in the chemical warfare campaign.

German Attitude towards Inspection.—As was quite to be expected, the German factories did not receive our missions with open arms, and they were particularly jealous of any inspection at Oppau, the site of the wonderful Haber synthetic ammonia plant. Lieut. McConnel, of the U.S. Navy, tells us:[1] "Upon arrival at the plant the Germans displayed a polite but sullen attitude. They seemed willing to afford the opportunity of a cursory inspection, but strongly objected to a detailed examination. On the third day of the visit the writer was informed that his presence had become a source of serious objection and that if his examination were prolonged a formal complaint would be submitted to the Peace Conference." The Allies had only themselves to blame. Their facile yielding to the argument that this great arsenal was principally of peace significance, owing to the fertilisers which it would eventually make, and the feeble backing provided for inspecting missions, were reflected in the semi-resistant attitude of the I.G. personnel.

[1] Journal of Industrial and Engineering Chemistry, Vol. XI., 1919, page 837.