“But why is it on our cards?”
Freeman grinned.
“Well, somebody thought it was a good thing. Personally, I don’t. But somebody had to decide. Of course, it depends on how far you carry states’ rights. Take federal meat inspection or the pure food act or the federal income tax—those were all opposed because they interfered with states’ rights. And I suppose the Southern mill owners naturally oppose a federal child-labor law. But that’s nothing to get memberships on. You’re probably right. I suppose it was simply taken over from the old Know Knothing party platform, when states’ rights meant no interference with slavery. So I’d just forget it. Nobody notices it on the card and thinks it means some sort of guarantee of personal liberty like freedom of speech and freedom of the press, which the Constitution guarantees us anyway.”
Robert almost admired, without in any way approving, Freeman’s easy manner of using or discarding an argument according to his belief in its power to convince. If an argument didn’t convince he simply dropped it, and he never apologized for having used a false or fallacious one. He had a bass voice, which he could let out on occasion, especially when he spoke on the Tribal ideal of patriotism.
“The Trick Track Tribe is not merely a political party to secure this or that law or set of laws, Hamilton. It is a militant group, formed to combat all the forces that are attacking Americanism.” He brought his fist down on the desk with a bang. “States’ rights may or may not be of particular importance. National prohibition may or may not meet favor with all true Americans, but there can be no question about the supremacy of the white race, the rights guaranteed us by the American Constitution, separation of church and state, the sanctity of the home.” The last phrase fairly rolled out of Freeman’s eloquent mouth. “It is our aim to guard the supremacy of the white race, protect our Constitution from the radicals who would attack it and keep the hand of the Pope from clutching at our state. In every way we shall work to conserve this country and to confound the enemies within its walls as well as without its gates, to support the government in enforcing its laws and to aid the government whenever and wherever it seems inadequate to cope with its foes. By God, we’ll have law and order if we have to terrorize every other man, woman and child in this country, and if we have to tar and feather every person who doesn’t toe the mark!”
Freeman was a man who might easily sway an audience. It was not so much what he said, but how he said it. Even Robert felt himself carried away. There was something about him when he became excited over his theme that reminded one of Griffith. Both, then, had a natural eloquence. And both, when they fell back into the discussion of more commonplace subjects, appeared to relax—Griffith into a bored carelessness, Freeman into a broad friendliness.
“Before you start working, you ought to look around the city a bit.” Freeman looked at his watch. “I’ll be busy for another hour or so, or perhaps we’d better start out some morning. I suppose you’re a stranger here.”
“Practically,” said Robert. “But I think I’d rather wait until some other time. It’s too late now.” He made some remark about having a lot of “things” to attend to—a nebulous idea thrown out so that he might be alone that evening.
A stenographer opened the door and tossed a publication on the desk. Freeman glanced at it.
“Before you go,” he said, “take this along. Never seen a colored paper before, have you?”