The Indians were always particular to locate their permanent villages in the vicinity of springs of running water. Warren abounds in such springs. Its soil is generally fertile and its climate agreeable and healthy, as, owing to its somewhat inland position, it escapes the full rigor of the fierce winds, that, during the winter months, sweep the unsheltered shores of Bristol. In the days when the Wampanoags inhabited its territory, it was well timbered, and grapes, cherries, huckleberries, and other wild fruits grew abundantly in field and swamp. Its rivers teemed with fish of many varieties, and also yielded a plentiful supply of lobsters, crabs, oysters, clams, quahaugs, and mussels. Flocks of wild fowl haunted its marshes; deer and smaller game frequented its woods. Even in those seasons when food became generally scarce, the dwellers at Sowams probably suffered little from hunger in comparison with the inhabitants of many sections of New England less favored by nature.

At Sowams, too, every facility for the manufacture of the shell beads used as currency by the aborigines was to be found. Any one who chose might become a natouwompitea, or coiner, and literally, “make as much money,” as he wished. From the rocks at hand the savage artificer shaped the rude implements which his craft demanded. The waters gave him freely the periwinkle and the quahaug. From the former he cut the wampum[3] or white beads. Of the “eye,” or dark portion of the latter, he fashioned the more valuable black beads called suckauhock. These beads were made into necklaces, scarfs, belts, girdles, bracelets, caps and other articles of dress and ornament “curiously strung,” says Roger Williams, “into many forms and figures, their black and white finely mixed together.” Not infrequently a savage arrayed in gala attire carried upon this person his entire stock of ready money. Governor Bradford states that the Narragansetts and Pequots grew “rich and potent” by the manufacture of wampum and, presumably, wealth contributed in no small degree towards establishing the prestige of the Wampanoags.

This tribe, properly speaking, was a confederation of clans each clan having its own headman who was, however, subservient to a chief sachem. The Wampanoags, or Pokanokets as they were also called, were originally a populous and powerful people and it is said that, at one period, their chief was able to rally around him no less than 3,000 warriors. The father of Massasoit, according to the testimony of his illustrious son,[4] waged war successfully against the Narragansetts; and Annawon, King Philip’s great captain, boasted to his captor, Church, of the “mighty success he had formerly in wars against many nations of Indians, when he served Asuhmequin, Philip’s father.” About three years before the settlement of Plymouth, however, a terrible plague devastated the country of the Wampanoags and greatly diminished their numbers. Governor Bradford, alluding to this pestilence, states that “thousands of them dyed, they not being able to burie one another,” and that “their sculs and bones were found in many places lying still above ground, where their houses and dwellings had been; a very sad specktacle to behould.” The Narragansetts who were so fortunate as to escape the plague, took advantage of the weakness of their ancient foes, wrested from them one of the fairest portions of their domain the island of Aquidneck, (Rhode Island) and compelled Massasoit to subject “himself and his lands,” to their great sachem Canonicus. In 1620, the Pokanoket chieftain could summon to his aid only about 300 fighting men, sixty of whom were his immediate followers. Yet Massasoit, despite his weakness, contrived to maintain his supremacy over the petty sachems of the various clans of the Wampanoag confederacy. The sagamores of the Islands of Nantucket and Nope or Capawack (Martha’s Vineyard), of Pocasset, (Tiverton), Saconet (Little Compton), Namasket (Middleborough), Nobsquasset (Yarmouth), Monamoit (Chatham), Nauset (Eastham), Patuxet (Plymouth), and other places, together with the headmen of some of the Nipmuc nation, were tributary to him. Undoubtedly some of these chiefs were allied to Massasoit by ties of consanguinity or mutual interests; others, probably, rendered homage as conquered to conqueror.

Like the Narragansetts, the Wampanoags were considerably advanced in civilization. They built permanent villages, and cultivated corn, beans, pumpkins, and squashes. They manufactured cooking utensils of stone and clay,[5] and rude implements for domestic and war-like purposes from shells, stone, and bone. They prepared the greater part of their food by the aid of fire and their cookery was, by no means, unpalatable. The famed Rhode Island Johnny cake and still more famous Rhode Island clam bake each claim an Indian origin. They understood how to dress birch and chestnut bark which they used for covering their wigwams, and they constructed canoes by hollowing out the trunks of large trees. Of rushes and grasses they wove mats and baskets, and they fashioned moccasins, leggings, and other articles of apparel from the skins of wild beasts. They were very accurate in their observations of the weather, and spent much time in studying the heavens, being familiar with the motions of the stars, and having names for many of the constellations. In common with the other native tribes of North America, they worshipped various gods, peopling earth, air, sky, and sea with deities; yet they acknowledged one supreme being, and believed in the immortality of the soul.

It is obvious that Massasoit possessed mental endowments of no mean order, and it is equally obvious that his environments were precisely those best calculated to develop a character naturally strong. He dwelt in a land which, if not literally flowing with milk and honey, abounded with everything needful to supply the simple wants of savage life, and thus he escaped those demoralizing influences which attend the struggle for mere existence. The proximity of a powerful enemy rendered him, cautious, alert, and vigilant. His position as the chief of a considerable confederacy invested him with dignity, and called into activity all those statesman-like qualities for which he was so justly famed. Winslow describes him as “grave of countenance, spare of speech,” and this description tallies exactly with our ideal of the man. General Fessenden remarks: “This chief has never had full justice done to his character.” Certainly it was no ordinary man who, conquered himself, still retained the respect and allegiance of several clans, differing in thought, mode of life, and interests. It was no ordinary man who, undaunted by misfortune, endured the yoke patiently till the opportunity to throw it off presented itself, and then quietly taking advantage of the auspicious moment accomplished the liberation of himself and his people from a servitude more bitter than death itself.

Massasoit was familiar with the appearance of white men before the arrival of the Pilgrims at Plymouth. In 1619, Captain Thomas Dermer, an Englishman, visited the Massachusetts coast and held an interview at Namasket with “two kings” of Pokanoket, undoubtedly Massasoit and his brother Quadequina. The English were regarded with suspicion and dislike by some of the tribes of the Wampanoag confederacy, owing to the fact that a certain unscrupulous trader[6] had kidnapped some of the natives and sold them into slavery in Spain. Had the English attempted a settlement at Plymouth when the Pokanokets were at the zenith of their power, they would, probably, have been either exterminated or driven from the country. But, in 1620, Massasoit, whose fortunes were at the ebb, stood ready to extend the right-hand of fellowship to the pale-faced strangers, in whom he perceived the possible deliverers of his nation. The treaty with the Pilgrims into which he entered at Plymouth in March, 1621, was the bold stroke of a wise statesman and an experienced politician. The article in the treaty which stipulated that the English should aid him if “any did unjustly war against him” makes his position plain. “We cannot yet conceive but that he is willing to have peace with us,” writes Winslow, alluding to this treaty. “And especially because he hath a potent adversary, the Narrowhigansets that are at war with him; against whom, he thinks, we may be some strength to him; for our pieces are terrible unto them.” Subsequent events proved that Massasoit’s policy was not at fault for, with the assistance of his white allies, he was finally enabled to throw off the galling yoke of Canonicus, and to restore the Wampanoags to their old-time position of independence and power.

In July, 1621, Governor William Bradford decided to send a deputation to Pokanoket, to “discover the country,” to “continue the league of peace and friendship” which had been entered into a few months previous at Plymouth, and to procure corn for planting. Provided with gifts, a horseman’s laced coat of red cotton and a chain, Edward Winslow and Stephen Hopkins set out from Plymouth on Monday, July 2d, having for a guide Tisquantum, or Squanto, the friendly Indian whose name appears so conspicuously in the early annals of Plymouth. The trail followed led the travellers through Titicut in the north-west part of Middleborough, where they spent the night, to Taunton, thence to Mattapoiset (South Swansea) and from there to Kickemuit in the easterly part of Warren. Undoubtedly the Kickemuit River was crossed at a wading-place, often alluded to in the early records of Warren, which was at a point a little north of the present Child Street bridge. From Kickemuit they continued on to Sowams in the western part of the town on the shores of the Warren River, then known as the Sowams River. There seems little reason to doubt that, in going from Kickemuit to Sowams, they followed a winding trail leading along what now constitutes the Kickemuit Road, and Market Street in Warren, as, in 1621, the westerly portion of Child Street[7] was a thick swamp. This visit of Winslow and Hopkins was the second paid by white men to Rhode Island, the first visit having been made by Verazzano and his companions nearly a century before.

Winslow’s party arrived at Sowams on the afternoon of July 4th, but Massasoit proved to be absent from home. Messengers were immediately dispatched after him, and he shortly appeared being greeted by a discharge of his white visitors’ guns. He welcomed the Englishmen cordially and invited them into his wigwam, where they delivered a lengthy message from Governor Bradford and presented the gifts they had brought with them. The sachem at once donned the coat and hung the chain about his neck. “He was not a little proud,” says Winslow, “to behold himself; and his men also to see their king so bravely attired.”

In answer to the Governor’s message Massasoit made a long speech in which he mentioned some thirty different places over which he exercised jurisdiction, and promised that his people should bring their skins to the English. At the close of the speech he offered his guests tobacco and then “fell to discoursing” of England, King James, and the French against whom he seemed to feel a particular aversion. “Late it grew,” states Winslow in his narrative of this journey to Pokanoket, “but victuals he offered none: for indeed he had not any; being he came so newly home, so we desired to go to rest.”

Upon the following day many petty sachems came to Sowams to pay their respects to their white allies. They entertained the strangers by playing various games, the stakes being skins and knives. The Englishmen challenged them to a shooting match for skins, but they “durst not” accept the challenge. They, however, desired one of the two to shoot at a mark, “who shooting with hail shot (bird shot) they wondered to see the mark so full of holes.” This “shooting at a mark” is the first instance of target practice by a white man within the limits of Rhode Island of which we have any record.