Mr. Holt’s “Vindication” continues: “Conover, though now wholly degraded, was then, so far as was known to the Government, without a stain upon his character.” (The thoughtful reader must naturally turn to the accusations of the Reverend Stuart Robinson, made publicly to the Government representative, Hon. H. H. Emmons, and, by the press, scattered through the country fifteen months previous to this declaration in Mr. Holt’s “Vindication.”) “Hence, when he wrote me,” continues the aggrieved Judge Advocate General, “alleging the existence of testimony implicating Davis and others, and his ability to find the witnesses, and proffering his services to do so, I did not hesitate to accept his statements and proposals as made in good faith and entitled to credit and to consideration.”
In the “Report” on the case of Mr. Clay, dated December 6, 1865, which, by the courtesy of the President, I was enabled to see, Mr. Holt’s willing adoption of the fabrications of his unscrupulous “witnesses” was apparent in every phrase. In fact, its spirit of malice terrified me. I kept faith with Mr. Johnson and told no one of the knowledge I now possessed; but I communicated some of the main points of the “Report” to Judge Black and other advisers, and, resolving that I would never cease until I attained my point, I redoubled my pleadings with the President for the permission to visit my husband, which request I now knew it would be useless to make at the War Department. When I returned the “Report” to the President, I was keyed to a high pitch of alarm by the spirit shown by the Advocate General, and my requests now took another form.
“It is said, Mr. Johnson, that you have refused to allow the Military Court, composed of Messrs. Holt, Speed and Stanton, to try Mr. Davis and Mr. Clay.” The President bowed affirmatively.
“Then I pray you to give me your solemn oath in the presence of the living God, that you will never, while in this Presidential chair, yield those two innocent men into the hands of that blood-seeking Military Commission!”
I was greatly agitated, and weeping. Mr. Johnson, however, was calm and seemingly deeply in earnest as he answered me,
“I promise you, Mrs. Clay; trust me!”
“I will; I do!” I cried, “but I would like you to emphasise this sacred oath, remembering the precious lives that hang upon it.”
Upon this Mr. Johnson raised his hand and repeated his promise, adding again, “trust me!”
After this interview I felt a sense of security which gave me comparative repose of mind, but, nevertheless, I called almost daily, to fortify Mr. Johnson against the continued machinations of those officials whose influence was so inimical to my husband and Mr. Davis. I now began to perceive that Judge Black, Senator Garland and others had said truly when they remarked to me that Mr. Johnson might be moved, if at all, by his heart rather than by his head. He had already given me a strong proof of this; soon he gave me others.
The Christmas season was approaching, and while all about me were arranging their little gaieties and surprises, the realisation of Mr. Clay’s isolation and discomforts and peril became more and more poignant. To add to the sadness of our situation, letters from Huntsville containing pathetic allusions to the failing health of my husband’s mother now began to follow each other rapidly. I was urged to act quickly if she and her son were to meet on earth again. In my letters to Mr. Clay I dared not tell him of this approaching disaster, for between himself and his mother an unusually tender relationship existed. I dreaded the alarm such news might give him, alone and ill in his dismal prison, exhausted as he was with waiting for direct communication with me. I had already been a month in Washington without having effected a meeting with him. Under the circumstances, the headway gained seemed inappreciable. With a copy of Holt’s “Report” in my possession, I resolved to go on to New York for consultation with Mr. O’Conor, Mr. Shea, and Mr. Greeley, so soon as I should receive some definite concession from the President.