In their report the commissioners very frankly admit the meagerness, or, on numerous important points, total lack of informative data. But, as the President states, they proceed to put on record a finding of 6 cents a pound as the cost of handling and transporting paid second-class matter and 5 cents a pound as the cost of similar service on free-in-county matter, for the year 1908. They finally recommend, however, that the present “transient” rate (for copies of periodicals mailed by other than publishers) be continued—1 cent for each 4 ounces; also that the present free-in-county privilege be retained, but not extended.

What does that “not extended” mean?

I do not know. Do you? Does it mean that the country newspapers now issued—now entered in Postoffice Department for free haulage and handling—shall continue free and that no new newspapers established, founded and distributed in counties, shall be transported and handled free?

If it does not mean that, what does it mean? If it means that, then why does this Commission recommend a thing that is primarily—elementary—wrong under the organic law of this government?

The Constitution of these United States specifically prohibits “special” legislation. Then why, I ask, should the recommendation of this Commission be complied with? I have been publishing The Hustler, a controlled Republican or Democrat 4 to 8 pager, as the case may be, for four years. Paul Jones comes along and flings in his money to publish and print the Democratic Booster in the same county. Does this Commission mean to recommend that The Hustler be carried and distributed free in the county and that The Booster be required to pay the regular pound rate for the same service?

A flat rate of 2 cents per pound is recommended for all other periodical matter, newspapers and magazines alike.

Well, that recommended rate is of course, better than Mr. Hitchcock’s “rider” recommendation, discussed in a previous page. The Commission’s “finding” that the cost of carriage, handling and delivery of second-class mail “was approximately 6 cents a pound” is also an appreciable step-down (toward the facts), as compared with Mr. Hitchcock’s assured—milled, screened and sifted—finding that said cost was 9.23 cents a pound—a finding as late as March 1, 1911. So if this commendable “merger” of views, opinions and guesses keeps growing, as industrial, rail and other mergers are wont to grow, the postal rate payers of the country may hope yet to find that even their great men may agree.

I have discussed this second-class mail rate—the cent-a-pound rate for periodicals—elsewhere. With private companies (the express companies) carrying and delivering second-class mail matter for the average mail haul, at one-half cent a pound (and standing for a “split” with the railroads for one-half of that), the question as to whether or not the government can carry mail matter without loss at one cent a pound, is not worth debating among men whose brains are not worn in their sub-cellars.

I mean the last statement to apply to third and fourth class matter as well as to second. What it has cost the government, or what it now costs the government, to transport, handle and distribute the mails is another and quite different matter from what such service can be and should be rendered for. Was it not that the people’s money is lavishly wasted by such foolishness and foolery, a dignified commission of three or six men sagely deliberating upon, critically “investigating” and laboredly discussing what it costs the government—what the government in 1908 or any other year paid—to carry and distribute the mails, might be staged as the working model of a joke. If a Commission’s time and the people’s money were spent in making a careful, thorough investigation as to what it should cost to collect, transport, handle and distribute the mails, and as to just where and how the millions of dollars, now annually wasted in an over-unmanned, incompetently managed, raided and raiding service, could be saved, results fully warranting the expenditures made on account of these postal-investigating commissions would readily be obtained.

A summary of the proceedings of the Hughes Commission is presented elsewhere. Here I shall take space for only two or three observations. First, as is evidenced by the Commission’s report, the Postoffice Department was before it in conspicuous volubility and the frequency of a stock ticker during a raid, with call money at 84. Postmaster General Hitchcock and his Second and Third Assistants appear to have been the chief “floor representatives” of the department during the flurry. Of 201 “Exhibits” listed by the Commission, about 100 of them—reports, documents, memoranda and letters—found origin if not paternity in the Postoffice Department, and a considerable portion of them was already on file in government archives. Of the sixteen papers submitted after close of “Hearings,” fourteen or fifteen are letters and memoranda of the department, besides which seven memoranda are mentioned as having been received from “the Postoffice Department and not marked as exhibits.”