That it was the intention of the legislators of that time to make the carriage, handling and delivery of letters and “packets” (small parcels or packages of any sort of mailable matter), a government monopoly, there can be no valid reason to doubt. That the express companies have operated and are operating in violation of Section 181 of that law, there can be no valid reason to doubt. That Section 181 of the enactment of 1845 is good, sound law today, there can be no valid reason to doubt. That the express companies have operated, and continue to operate, in violation of that law—in open defiance of it—and are therefore engaged in a criminal traffic, there can be no valid reason to doubt.
True, they have a very peculiar court decision to protect them in their violation of that law. I call it a “peculiar” decision. A more fitting term might be used in describing that court decision, and the use of such a term would be fully justified.
One of the two actions which Congress might take would be to amend Section 181 of its Revised Statutes so that even a yokel, as well as a Federal Judge, may clearly see that the carriage of packages and parcels, as well as of “packets,” which do not exceed the maximum regulation weight and are of mailable class and kind, is “intended” to be the exclusive privilege of the government.
Such an amendment to the law would force the express companies out of business.
The other action which could be effectively taken would be to make the parcels post rate so low and the maximum weight of parcels so liberally high that the railroads and express raiders would quit of their own accord, which they would do as soon as their present tonnage of loot is seriously cut down. Nothing would cut into that lootage deeper or quicker than would a service rated and weighted parcels post.
I have been severe in my strictures and condemnation of the express and railway raiders. In evidence that my condemnation is deserved I desire to quote two or three people—people who have made a careful, painstaking study of the game these raiders have played, and yet play, and of the practices and tricks which make it a “sure thing” for the high-finance gentlemen who play it.
Mr. Albert W. Atwood wrote a series of three most informative articles for the American Magazine under the caption, “The Great Express Monopoly.” They appeared in the American in its issues for February, March and April, 1911. I trust the publishers will not take unkindly my quoting Mr. Atwood. He presents some facts which so conclusively evidence several points that I cannot resist the appeal they make for quotation.
In evidencing the fact that the railroads own and control the express companies and also showing how that ownership and control was obtained and is maintained, Mr. Atwood writes as follows:
It has frequently been asserted by merchants and shippers that the stock issues of the express companies are merely a device to make possible the exaction of unreasonable charges. Perhaps the most direct case in point is that of the Pacific Express Company, organized in 1879 to do business on the Union Pacific and Gould Railroads. Before the Indiana Railroad Commission John A. Brewster, auditor of the company, recently testified that there were twelve stockholders and $6,000,000 of stock. On pages 784-785 of the record there appears this colloquy:
Q. What did you do with that stock, Mr. Witness?