The general politics of the country, as intimated in the memorial, were English aristocratic and American democratic. The parties were nearly equally divided. At the same time, there was the pro-slavery influence laboring to so mold the Territory as to bring it in as a slave State, though it had started free, and upon the most liberal principles of a free government. The democratic pro-slavery influence was not strong enough to secure the federal appointments without cousining with the English aristocrats, who looked upon African slavery with abhorrence. Under these circumstances, the democrats of this assembly became liberal, and naturally sought aid from that party in the United States to which the anti-slavery influence yielded, and took their chances in the federal appointments. There was also in this Assembly a strong personal feeling against Judge Thornton, who was supposed to be in the federal capital seeking the organization of the Territory, as also its governorship; and, in that case, though Mr. Thornton was then acting with the democratic party, should he become the governor, or one of the judges, the pro-slavery influence would be the loser. Hence the “rule or ruin” party chose to make the strange request found in this memorial. The closing paragraph seems to be a flourish of rhetoric, and an appeal to Uncle Samuel’s tender feelings. Notwithstanding, it took him till August 14, 1848, to say that Oregon should be a Territory under its protection. The remainder of the memorial is as follows:—
“If it be at all the intention of our honored parent to spread her guardian wing over her sons and daughters in Oregon, she surely will not refuse to do it now, when they are struggling with all the ills of a weak and temporary government, and when perils are daily thickening around them and preparing to burst upon their heads. When the ensuing summer’s sun shall have dispelled the snow from the mountains, we shall look with glowing hopes and restless anxiety for the coming of your laws and your arms.
“The accompanying documents will afford additional information concerning some of the subjects of which we have spoken.
“To insure the speedy conveyance of these papers to the federal government, your memorialists have elected J. L. Meek, Esq., a special messenger to bear the same, and respectfully ask your honorable body to make him such compensation therefor as you may deem just. And your memorialists will ever pray, etc.”
It will be seen by a reference to the first day’s proceedings of this Legislative Assembly that Dr. Newell was chosen its Speaker. In tracing the history of events, we find this man always intimately in council with the English aristocratic party in the country. Although he sometimes favored unimportant American measures, he seemed always to guard carefully those in any way affecting the interests of this English monopoly. Champoeg, the county he in part represented, was the most numerous in population and wealth, and by reference to the Spectator of February 4, 1847, we find the following: “Champoeg County tax.—There has been no tax for the year 1846, received by the treasurer from Champoeg County. How is this? Who is to blame, and where is the honorable County Court of Champoeg County?” This note explains the critical relations of the country and the scheming policy of the enemy we had to contend with, as also the personal bickerings among the Americans. When Mr. Crawford, on the 14th of December, introduced his resolution for a delegation of three persons to endeavor to prevent a coalition with the Indians, we find this measure deferred till near the close of the session, and this Honorable Hudson’s Bay Company Speaker of the Assembly is one of the commissioners, as we shall see hereafter.
On the 24th of December, Messrs. Nesmith, Rice, and Rector were appointed a committee to correspond with the American consul at the Sandwich Islands, and also with the Commander-in-chief of the army and navy on this coast, in California, soliciting help from them. On the 25th, the house went into secret session for the purpose of conferring with the governor, colonel, lieutenant-colonel, and commissary-general, in relation to our Indian difficulties.
The result of that secret council was embodied in a resolution presented to the house by Mr. Nesmith.
“Resolved, That the executive, as commander-in-chief, has full power to adopt all measures necessary for the prosecution of the existing war, and that it is the opinion of this house, that it is expedient for the executive to issue orders for five hundred men, and trust to the patriotism of the citizens of Oregon for their support in the field.”
It will be seen by this resolution that there was sufficient reason to justify the calling of the whole strength of the settlement into the field. The captives had reached the settlement, and his Reverence Bishop Blanchet had seen proper to inform the governor, “that by going to war with the Cayuses to get redress for the murders committed at Wailatpu, he would have the whole Indian combination, or confederation, against him. This, however, he must determine with his council,” which we see was done, and the American settlement and Protestant missionaries gave them a cordial support. The Indian combination, which, the Jesuit Brouillet says, Dr. Whitman attempted to form, is here admitted by the bishop’s letter to Governor Abernethy to have been formed, and ready to fight the American settlement. Who formed this confederation of Indian tribes is no longer a doubt.
But we have kept our readers too long from the proceedings of our little army, under the command of Captain H. A. G. Lee, which we left on its way to the Dalles, to save that station from falling into the hands of the Indians.