An interesting passage is Ps. cxviii. 27, though there is some uncertainty again about the text. The R.V. reads: “Bind the sacrifice with cords, even unto the horns of the altar.” The word ḥag is here translated “sacrifice”; but this is not justified (in spite of Mal. ii. 3), for, as Briggs rightly points out, the procedure “would not be in accord with sacrificial laws and usage[144].” On the other hand, to translate it by “sacred dance” would be to give the word, as we have seen, its essential meaning[145]. Then, further, the word rendered “bind” (ʾasar) can equally well mean “join”; cp. this meaning of the word in 1 Kings xx. 14, “Who will join battle?” The same use is found in 2 Chron. xiii. 3, “And Abijah joined battle”; in each case this root (ʾasar) is used. So that our passage could be rendered quite correctly: “Join the sacred dance.” As to the word translated “cords,” or “ropes,” this would be used quite appropriately in connexion with dancing; it is the same idea as that connected with ḥebel (“chain,” or “band”), used of prophets going about in single file (see further below, [p. 108]). In Hos. xi. 4 the two words are used as parallels. So that the reference in the psalm may well be to strings of worshippers being called upon to join in the sacred dance. Briggs’ objection to an explanation of this kind on the ground that this usage of ḥag is rare and early, “not to be thought of in so late a psalm,” is not valid when one remembers the tenacity with which religious customs and expressions are clung to. It is well to remember that this psalm belongs to the “Hallel” (Pss. cxiii.-cxviii.), the most important of the festival psalms; the “Hallel” was sung at all the great feasts. We shall see presently that very clear evidence exists for the performance of the encircling of the altar during the singing of this psalm in later days, as well as other dancing during the great festivals. It may be taken for granted that both kinds of dance were not innovations belonging to subsequent ages, but the continuance of what had been handed down for ages.
Further, one must take into consideration the idea that underlies the ritual of the encirclement of a city, such as we read of in Josh. vi., where the same root as that for the ritual encompassing of the altar is used (sābab). Through the whole account the religious element in the undertaking comes strongly to the fore; the encircling procession is a sacred act: the sounding of the rams’ horns by the priests, seven in number, the presence of the ark, the sevenfold encirclement on the seventh day, all emphasize its religious character which receives its highest stamp in the words which proclaim the presence of Jahwe Himself in the procession: “And it was so, that when Joshua had spoken unto the people, the seven priests bearing the seven trumpets of rams’ horns before Jahwe passed on, and blew with the trumpets: and the ark of the covenant of Jahwe followed them.” The God of the nation is conceived as being either identified with, or present in, the ark. The meaning and object of the encirclement is clear from the words in vi. 17: “And the city shall be devoted, even it and all that is therein, to Jahwe.” It is, as it were, a magic circle, described around the thing “devoted” in order that nothing shall escape; by the encirclement it becomes “consecrated”; though, of course, in a different sense from that in which the encirclement of the altar consecrates the sacrifice on it.
Before drawing attention to some instances of this type of dance among other peoples, mention may be made of one among the Jews of post-biblical times. At the Feast of Tabernacles, after the sacrifices had been offered, the priests went in procession round the altar singing Ps. cxviii. 25 on each of the seven days during which the feast lasted. On the seventh day a sevenfold circuit was made round the altar[146]. A ceremony of this kind, as will be readily understood, would not have been an innovation introduced in post-biblical times; we may confidently take for granted that the usage, in one form or another, had been handed down from time immemorial.
II
We have already drawn attention to the fact that the central and most important part of the cultus of the ancient Arabs was the circuit round the sanctuary, or, when this was offered, round the sacrifice; and that it was from this fact that the Ḥagg, which really means the “sacred dance,” got its name. This sacred dance was performed not only round the Kaaba, but in every sanctuary round the sacred object. The holy stone is itself called Davar, “the object of encirclement,” because of the custom of performing the sacred dance round it[147].
Another illustration of this type of sacred dance is given by Nilus. In speaking of the Arabs of the Sinaitic Peninsula, he says that they did not worship any god or image of a god, but sacrificed to the morning star at its rising. Then he goes on to describe how they took for their sacrifice a white camel which they forced into a kneeling posture and “went circling round it in a circuitous fashion,” the reference being clearly to some form of processional dance, which is not, however, further described; but he mentions singing which went on at the same time, a very usual accompaniment to the sacred dance. When the third circuit had been made, and while the singing was still going on, the leader in the procession slaughtered the camel[148]. According to Jeremias this ritual perambulation (ṭawâf) round the altar or a sacrificial victim among the idolatrous Semites may be explained as having been a symbolic representation of the movement of the heavenly bodies, in which case, as he maintains, the ritual dance would be proved to be a product of the ancient oriental world-concept[149]. But the rite is susceptible of a different explanation as we have seen[150].
Another instructive example among the Semites, in which it is evident that the perambulation is not a symbolic representation of the movement of the heavenly bodies, is that which takes place at the festival of the Pyre at Heliopolis. Lucian describes this as follows:
The greatest of the festivals that they celebrate is that held in the opening of the spring; some call this the Pyre, others the Lamp. On this occasion the sacrifice is performed in this way. They cut down tall trees and set them up in the court; then they bring goats and sheep and cattle and hang them living to the trees; they add to these birds and garments, and gold and silver work. After all is finished, they carry the gods around the trees and set fire under; in a moment all is in a blaze. To this solemn rite a great multitude flocks from Syria and all the regions around. Each brings his own god and the statues which each has of his own gods[151].
This encircling procession of the gods will be referred to again when we review the instances of this type of sacred dance which have been gathered.
The suspending of the animals on trees reminds us—but the object is different—of the Dhāt anwāt, or “tree to hang things on”; the spirit of a departed saint is supposed to take up his abode in the tree at certain times, and his worshippers hang rags and ribbons on its branches as “pledges of attachment[152]”; this is still very common at the present day[153]. Dancing is, however, never mentioned in connexion with this. But in the case of the holy tree spoken of by the ancient Arabian historian, Tabari, it is very probable that dancing was performed round it, even though it is not specifically mentioned. He tells of a lofty date-palm in Nĕgrān which the inhabitants worshipped, and in honour of which a festival was celebrated annually; on these occasions they bedecked the tree with as many beautiful women’s garments as could be procured, and during a whole day divine honours were paid to it[154].