In one of his letters, written a few months after the commencement of operations at St. John, Simonds urges the careful attention of Blodget and Hazen to their part of the business, observing: “I hope if I sacrifice my interest, ease, pleasure of Good Company, and run the risque even of life itself for the benefit of the Company, those who live where the circumstances are every way the reverse will in return be so good as to take every pains to dispose of all effects remitted to them to the best advantage.”
The first year of the Company’s operations was in some respects phenomenal. On the 30th September, 1764, a very severe shock of an earthquake occurred at St. John about 12 o’clock, noon. The winter that followed was one of unusual severity with storms that wrought much damage to shipping. Leonard Jarvis wrote to James Simonds on April 3, 1765, “There has not been in the memory of man such a winter as the last and we hope there never will be again.” Mr. Simonds in his reply says “The winter has been much here as in New England.”
In the same letter just referred to Mr. Jarvis says: “We hope in future, by keeping the schooner constantly running between this place and yours, that we shall be able to surmount our greatest difficulties. At present we can only say that nothing shall be wanting on our parts (and we are well assured that you will continue to endeavour) to make this concern turn out in the end an advantageous one. It would give us great pleasure could we ease you of part of your burden and know what difficulties you have to go through * * We have sent you by this schooner some table linen and what other table furniture we thought you might have occasion for. If there is anything more wanting to make you not only comfortable but Genteel, beg you would advise us and we will furnish you with it by the return of the schooner Wilmot.”
In reply to this Mr. Simonds writes, “I am obliged to you for sending some furniture, for truly none was ever more barely furnished than we were before. Gentility is out of the question.”
The business of Simonds and White was not confined to St. John, they had quite an important post for the Indian trade and the fishery on an island adjacent 195 to Campobello, now known as Indian Island. And it may be observed in passing that this was an island of many names. James Boyd, a Scotchman who lived there in 1763, called it Jeganagoose—evidently a form of Misignegoos, the name by which it is known to the Indians of Passamaquoddy. A French settler named La Treille lived there in 1688, and this explains the origin of the name Latterell Island, applied to it in early times. In the grant of 1765 it is called Perkins Island. This place owing to its proximity to New England had been the first to attract Mr. Simonds’ notice. The smaller vessels of the Company, such as the sloops “Bachelor” and “Peggy & Molly” and the schooners “Eunice” and “Polly,” were for several years employed in fishing at Passamaquoddy from April to October. The masters of the vessels received £4 per month for their services. The crews employed were for the most part engaged by Hazen and Jarvis and at the close of the season returned to their homes in New England. It was the custom for a year or two for one of the partners, Simonds or White, to attend at Passamaquoddy during the fishing season. From 1765 to 1770 Isaac Marble of Newburyport was their principal “shoresman.” The partners had a keen eye to business; on one occasion they purchased a whale from the Indians and tried out the oil, but this seems to have been merely a stray monster of the deep for, in answer to the query of Hazen & Jarvis, James Simonds writes, “With respect to whaling, don’t think the sort of whales that are in Passamaquada bay can be caught.”
It was from Passamaquoddy that the first business letter extant of the company’s correspondence was written by James Simonds to William Hazen on the 18th August, 1764. The business was then in an experimental stage, and Mr. Simonds in this letter writes, “If you & Mr. Blodget think it will be best to carry on business largely at St. John’s we must have another house with a cellar; the latter is now dug and stoned & will keep apples, potatoes & other things that will not bear the frost, for a large trade; this building will serve as a house and store, the old store for a Cooper’s shop. If the lime answers well we shall want 150 hogsheads with hoops and boards for heads; also boards for a house, some glass, etc., bricks for chimney and hinges for two doors. I think the business at St. John’s may be advantageous, if not too much entangled with the other. We can work at burning Lime, catching fish in a large weir we have built for bass up the river at the place where we trade with the Indians, trade with the Soldiers and Inhabitants, etc. Next winter we can employ the oxen at sleding wood and lime stone, Mr. Middleton at making casks; don’t think it best to keep any men at Passamaquada [for the winter].”
It was the intention of Simonds & White to bring the hands employed at Passamaquoddy to St. John in a sloop expected in the fall with goods and stores, but on the 16th December we find Mr. Simonds writing to Blodget & Hazen, “Have long waited with impatience for the arrival of the sloop; have now given her over for lost. All the hopes I have is that the winds were contrary in New England as they were here all the fall; that detained her until too late and you concluded not to send her. We had a fine prospect of a good trade last fall, and had the goods come in season should by this time have disposed of them to great advantage; but instead of that we have missed collecting the greater part of our Indian 196 debts, as they expected us up the river and have not been here on that account.... I have not heard from Passamaquada for six weeks, but fear they have little or no provisions, and am sure they have no hay for a cow that is there. She being exceeding good, shall endeavor to save her life till you can send hay for her. I shall go there as soon as the weather moderates (it has been intensely cold lately) and employ the men there as well as I can, as they are confined there contrary to intention for the winter, and return here as soon as possible.”
The non-arrival of provisions for the men and of hay for the oxen Mr. Simonds deplores as likely to overthrow all pans for the winter. They had intended to use the oxen to sled wood and lime-stone—a much easier way than carting in the summer. He says, “We have stone dug for 500 hogsheads of lime and near wood enough cut to burn it; that must now lay till carting, and we shift as well as we can to employ our men so as not to have them run us in debt. * * can think of nothing better than to make a resolute push up the river with our men, employ some of them at making lumber, others at clearing land and fitting it for grain in the spring.”
The Company had some formidable rivals at Passamaquoddy for the next spring we find James Simonds telling Hazen & Jarvis, “There is such a number of traders at Passamaquoddy that I don’t expect much trade there this spring: have prevailed with the Commandant at Fort Frederick to stop them going up this river: there has been no passing the falls till now (May 27th) by reason of the freshet. Shall go over this afternoon and proceed directly to Ocpaque, an Indian village eighty miles up the river.”
Notwithstanding the favor shown them by the commandant of the garrison, Simonds & White found rivals in the Indian trade even an the River St. John. Among the earliest were John Anderson and Captain Isaac Caton. The minutes of the council of Nova Scotia show that on August 9, 1763, license was granted Mr. Anderson to occupy 50 acres of any lands unappropriated on the St. John river, and under date June 7, 1765, we have the following:—