But come out now, Abolitionists, like men, and answer this question, "Are the slaves in the South, now in a proper condition for immediate emancipation?" Are they, or are they not? Reflect upon the above picture, and then answer like men.—Do you reply, that you think they ought to have first some education—some provision made for them—some arrangements to guard against possible consequences?—If this be your answer, I congratulate you on the first symptoms of restoration to sound mental health: I now entertain hopes of your speedy recovery, and ere you have read the last page of this humble treatise, I doubt not, but you and I will perfectly agree, and I will give you a certificate of health!
There will nevertheless remain some stubborn Abolitionists, even all who "hate prudence, caution, and judiciousness," who will still exclaim "the slaves are now fit for instantaneous and unconditional emancipation!" A word or two with such characters before I close this chapter. Pray from what premises do you draw your conclusions? Is it from the present condition of those already made free, or from the emancipation of slaves in other countries. I shall examine both of these grounds. First then as to the condition of those already emancipated, which condition if it even favoured the views of Abolitionists, would not be a justifiable or parallel case, forasmuch as the free people of colour amongst us now were not suddenly, but gradually emancipated—and were not totally ignorant, for many of them knew how both to read and to write. Therefore with all these points
strong in favour of every thing the Abolitionist could possibly desire, we shall fearlessly investigate the result.
In the facts I am about adducing, I wish it to be clearly understood, that I do not attribute them to any natural peculiarity, or natural inferiority of coloured persons, but distinctly to the want of education, and to the peculiar and trying circumstances in which these persons are placed. If even the free persons of colour, turned out good and worthy citizens to the utmost wish of every benevolent man, it would not, as I have just stated, prove any thing in favour of Abolition; but so far from this being the case—so far, notwithstanding all the advantages of gradual emancipation, and a preparatory course of instruction, from the result substantiating the opinion of Abolitionists, viz. "that the slaves may, with safety to themselves, and to others, be instantaneously emancipated;" it stands an incontrovertible evidence against them—a warning that it is difficult to conceive how any man in his senses, would not be admonished by; if he be one who regards the welfare and happiness of this country, and the real good of the black! The following paragraph is taken from "the Plea for Africa," p. 179.
"It has been asserted that, of free blacks collected in our cities and large towns, a great portion are found in abodes of wretchedness and vice, and become tenants of poor-houses and prisons. As a proof of the tendency of their condition, the following striking facts among others, ascertained a year or two since, have been mentioned: In Massachusetts, where the coloured population is small, being less than 7,000 souls, (only 1-74th part of the whole population,)
about 1-6th part of the whole number of convicts in the state-prison are blacks. In Connecticut, 1-34th part of the population is coloured, and
"I need not pursue these illustrations of the degradation of the free blacks in the non-slave-holding States. It appears from these statements, which I find in the First Annual Report of the Prison Discipline Society, that about one quarter part of all the expense incurred by these States for the support of their institutions for criminals is for coloured convicts. The bill of expense in three of these States stands thus: that is, the expense for the support of coloured convicts for the specified number of years preceding the report from which this schedule is made, is in
Massachusetts, 10 years, $17,734 Connecticut, 15 years, 37,166 New-York, 27 years, 109,166 in one prison. ———— $164,066
"Illustrations, borrowed from the criminal statistics of the South, would place this matter in a far more unfavourable light. References to the expenses for the maintenance of paupers, would give a similar result."
| Massachusetts, | 10 years, | $17,734 | |
| Connecticut, | 15 years, | 37,166 | |
| New-York, | 27 years, | 109,166 | in one prison. |
| ———— | |||
| $164,066 | |||
According to the above statement, it appears, that in Massachusetts, there are (in proportion to the whole population) TWELVE coloured persons to one white, in poor-houses and prisons!
- In Connecticut, ELEVEN Coloured, to one White, in Do.!
- In New-York, EIGHT Coloured, to one White, in Do.!
- In New-Jersey, FOUR Coloured, to one White, in Do.!
- In Pennsylvania, ELEVEN Coloured, to one White, in Do.!
If the trial of 300,000 Coloured free persons, (the number now in the States,) emancipated gradually,
and under the most favourable circumstances possible, be not sufficient to open the eyes of the Abolitionists to the recklessness of their course, I know not what could. Can this result afford any encouragement or satisfaction? And if not, why persevere in attempting to bring about what cannot take place; and which if it could, would produce incalculable misfortunes throughout the States?