Civil War and Reconstruction in Alabama

by Walter L. Fleming

As soon as possible after the war each negro had supplied himself with a gun and a dog as badges of freedom. As a usual thing, he carried them to the League meetings, and nothing was more natural than that the negroes should begin drilling at night. Armed squads would march in military formation to the place of assemblage, there be drilled, and after the close of the meeting, would march along the roads shouting, firing their guns, making great boasts and threats against persons whom they disliked. If the home of such a person happened to be on the roadside, the negroes usually made a practice of stopping in front of the house and treating the inmates to unlimited abuse, firing off their guns in order to waken them. Later military parades in the daytime were much favored. Several hundred negroes would march up and down the roads and streets, and amuse themselves by boasts, threats, and abuse of whites, and by shoving whites off the sidewalks or out of the road. But, on the whole, there was very little actual violence done the whites,—much less than might have been expected. That such was the case was due, not to any sensible teachings of the leaders, but to the fundamental good nature of the blacks, who were generally content with being impudent.[1563]

The relations between the races, with exceptional cases, continued to be somewhat friendly until 1867-1868. In the communities where the League and the Bureau were established, the relations were soonest strained. For a while in some localities, before the advent of the League, and in others where the Bureau was conducted by native magistrates, the negroes looked to their old masters for guidance and advice, and the latter, for the good of both races, were most eager to retain a moral control over the blacks. Barbecues and picnics were arranged by the whites for the blacks, speeches were made, good advice given, and all promised to go well. Sometimes the negroes themselves would arrange the festival and invite prominent whites to be present, for whom a separate table attended by the best waiters would be reserved; and after dinner there would be speaking by both whites and blacks. With the organization of the League, the negroes grew more reserved, and finally unfriendly to the whites. The League alone, however, was not responsible for the change. The League and the Bureau had to some extent the same personnel, and it is impossible to distinguish clearly between the work of the League and that of the Bureau. In many ways the League was simply the political side of the Bureau. The preaching and teaching missionaries were also at work. On the other hand, among the lower classes of whites, a hostile feeling quickly sprang to oppose the feeling of the blacks.

When the campaign grew exciting, the discipline of the order was used to prevent the negroes from attending Democratic meetings or hearing Democratic speakers. The League leaders even went farther and forbade the attendance of the blacks at Radical political meetings where the speakers were not indorsed by the League. Almost invariably the scalawag disliked the Leaguer, black or white, and often the League proscribed the former as political teachers. Judge Humphreys was threatened with political death unless he joined the League. This he refused to do, as did most whites where there were many negroes. All Republicans in good standing had to join the League. Judge (later Governor) D. P. Lewis was a member for a short while, but he soon became disgusted and published a denunciation of the League. Nicholas Davis and J. C. Bradley, both scalawags, were forbidden by the League to speak in the court-house at Huntsville because they were not members of the order. At a Republican mass-meeting a white republican wanted to make a speech. The negroes voted that he should not be allowed to speak because he was “opposed to the Loyal League.” He was treated to abuse and threats of violence. He then went to another place to speak, but was followed by the crowd, which refused to allow him to say anything. The League was the machine of the Radical party, and all candidates had to be governed by its edicts. Nominations to office were usually made in its meetings.[1564]

Every negro was ex colore a member or under the control of the League. In the opinion of the League, white Democrats were bad enough, but black Democrats were not to be tolerated. The first rule was that all blacks must support the Radical programme. It was possible in some cases for a negro to refrain from taking an active part in political affairs. He might even fail to vote. But it was martyrdom for a black to be a Democrat; that is, try to follow his old master in politics. The whites, in many cases, were forced to advise their faithful black friends to vote the Radical ticket that they might escape mistreatment. There were numbers of negroes, as late as 1868, who were inclined to vote with the whites, and to bring them into line all the forces of the League were brought to bear. They were proscribed in negro society, and expelled from negro churches, nor would the women “proshay” (appreciate) a black Democrat. The negro man who had Democratic inclinations was sure to find that influence was being brought to bear upon his dusky sweetheart or wife to cause him to see the error of his ways, and persistent adherence to the white party would result in the loss of her. The women were converted to Radicalism long before the men, and almost invariably used their influence strongly for the purpose of the League. If moral suasion failed to cause the delinquent to see the light, other methods were used. Threats were common from the first and often sufficed, and fines were levied by the League on recalcitrant members. In case of the more stubborn, a sound beating was usually effective to bring about a change of heart. The offending darky was “bucked and gagged,” and the thrashing administered, the sufferer being afraid to complain of the way he was treated. There were many cases of aggravated assault, and a few instances of murder. By such methods the organization succeeded in keeping under its control almost the entire negro population.[1565] The discipline over the active members was stringent. They were sworn to obey the orders of the officials. A negro near Clayton disobeyed the “Cap’en” of the League and was tied up by the thumbs; and another for a similar offence was “bucked” and whipped. A candidate having been nominated by the League, it was made the duty of every member to support him actively. Failure to do so resulted in a fine or other more severe punishment, and members that had been expelled were still under the control of the officials.[1566]

The effects of the teachings of the League orators were soon seen in the increasing insolence and defiant attitude of some of the blacks, in the greater number of stealings, small and large, in the boasts, demands, and threats made by the more violent members of the order. Most of them, however, behaved remarkably well under the circumstances, but the few unbearable ones were so much more in evidence that the suffering whites were disposed to class all blacks together as unbearable. Some of the methods of the Loyal League were similar to those of the later Ku Klux Klan. Anonymous warnings were sent to the obnoxious individuals, houses were burned, notices were posted at night in public places and on the doors of persons who had incurred the hostility of the League.[1567] In order to destroy the influence of the whites where kindly relations still existed, an “exodus order” was issued through the League, directing all members to leave their old homes and obtain work elsewhere. This was very effective in preventing control by the better class of whites. Some of the blacks were loath to leave their old homes, but to remonstrances from the whites the usual reply was: “De word done sont to de League. We got to go.”[1568]

In Bullock County, near Perote, a council of the League was organized under the direction of a negro emissary, who proceeded to assume the government of the community. A list of crimes and punishments was adopted, a court with various officials established, and during the night all negroes who opposed them were arrested. But the black sheriff and his deputy were arrested by the civil authorities. The negroes then organized for resistance, flocked into Union Springs, the county seat, and threatened to exterminate the whites and take possession of the county. Their agents visited the plantations and forced the laborers to join them by showing orders purporting to be from General Swayne, giving them the authority to kill all who resisted them. Swayne sent out detachments of troops and arrested fifteen of the ringleaders, and the Perote government collapsed.[1569]

When first organized in the Black Belt, and before native whites were excluded from membership, numbers of whites joined the League upon invitation in order to ascertain its objects, to see if mischief were intended toward the whites, and to control, if possible, the negroes in the organization. Most of these became disgusted and withdrew, or were expelled on account of their politics. In Marengo County several white Democrats joined the League at McKinley in order to keep down the excitement aroused by other councils, to counteract the evil influences of alien emissaries, and to protect the women of the community, in which but few men were left after the war. These men succeeded in controlling the negroes and in preventing the discussion of politics in the meetings. The League was made simply a club where the negroes met to receive advice, which was to the effect that they should attend strictly to their own affairs and vote without reference to any secret organization. Finally, they were advised to withdraw from the order.[1570]

Facsimile of Page from Union League Constitution.

For two years, 1867-1869, the League was the machine in the Radical party, and its leaders formed the “ring” that controlled party action. Nominations for office were regularly made by the local and state councils. It is said that there were stormy times in the councils when there were more carpet-baggers than offices to be filled. The defeated candidate was apt to run as an independent, and in order to be elected would sell himself to the whites. This practice resulted in a weakening of the influence of the machine, as the members were sworn to support the regular nominee, and the negroes believed that the terrible penalties would be inflicted upon the political traitor. The officers would go among the negroes and show their commissions, which they pretended were orders from General Swayne or General Grant for the negroes to vote for them.[1571] A political catechism of questions and answers meant to teach loyalty to the Radical party was prepared in Washington and sent out among the councils, to be used in the instruction of negro voters.[1572]