An Introduction to the History of Science

by Walter Libby

Julius Cæsar, 102-44 B.C., instituted a reform of the calendar. This was very much needed, as the Romans were eighty-five days out of their reckoning, and the date for the spring equinox, instead of coming at the proper time, was falling in the middle of winter. An Alexandrian astronomer (Sosigenes) assisted in establishing the new (Julian) calendar. The principle followed was based on ancient Egyptian practice. Among the 365 days of the year was to be inserted, or intercalated, every fourth year an extra day. This the Romans did by giving to two days in leap-year the same name; thus the sixth day before the first of March was repeated, and leap-year was known as a bissextile year. Cæsar, trained himself in the Greek learning and known to his contemporaries as a writer on mathematics and astronomy, also planned a survey of the Empire, which was finally carried into execution by Augustus.

There is evidence that the need of technically trained men became more and more pressing as the Empire developed. At first there were no special teachers or schools. Later we find mention of teachers of architecture and mechanics. Then the State came to provide classrooms for technical instruction and to pay the salaries of the teachers. Finally, in the fourth century A.D., further measures were adopted by the State. The Emperor Constantine writes to one of his officials: "We need as many engineers as possible. Since the supply is small, induce to begin this study youths of about eighteen years of age who are already acquainted with the sciences required in a general education. Relieve their parents from the payment of taxes, and furnish the students with ample means."

Pliny the Elder (23-79 A.D.), in the encyclopedic work which he compiled under the title Natural History, drew freely on hundreds of Greek and Latin authors for his facts and fables. In the selection that he made from his sources can be traced, as in the work of Vitruvius and other Latin writers, the tendency to make the sciences subservient to the arts. For example, the one thousand species of plants of which he makes mention are considered from the medicinal or from the economic point of view. It was largely in the interest of their practical uses that the Roman regarded both plants and animals; his chief motive was not a disinterested love of truth. Pliny thought that each plant had its special virtue, and much of his botany is applied botany. So comprehensive a work as the Natural History was sure to contain interesting anticipations of modern science. Pliny held that the earth hovers in the heavens upheld by the air, that its sphericity is proved by the fact that the mast of a ship approaching the land is visible before the hull comes in sight. He also taught that there are inhabitants on the other side of the earth (antipodes), that at the time of the winter solstice the polar night must last for twenty-four hours, and that the moon plays a part in the production of the tides. Nevertheless, the whole book is permeated by the idea that the purpose of nature is to minister to the needs of man.

It further marks the practical spirit among the Romans that a work on agriculture by a Carthaginian (Mago) was translated by order of the Senate. Cato (234-149 B.C.), so characteristically Roman in his genius, wrote (De Re Rustica) concerning grains and the cultivation of fruits. Columella wrote treatises on agriculture and forestry. Among the technical writings of Varro besides the book on agriculture, which is extant, are numbered works on law, mensuration, and naval tactics.

It was but natural that at the time of the Roman Empire there should be great advances in medical science. A Roman's interest in a science was keen when it could be proved to have immediate bearing on practical life. The greatest physician of the time, however, was a Greek. Galen (131-201 A.D.), who counted himself a disciple of Hippocrates, began to practice at Rome at the age of thirty-three. He was the only experimental physiologist before the time of Harvey. He studied the vocal apparatus in the larynx, and understood the contraction and relaxation of the muscles, and, to a considerable extent, the motion of the blood through the heart, lungs, and other parts of the body. He was a vivisector, made sections of the brain in order to determine the functions of its parts, and severed the gustatory, optic, and auditory nerves with a similar end in view. His dissections were confined to the lower animals. Yet his works on human anatomy and physiology were authoritative for the subsequent thirteen centuries. It is difficult to say how much of the work and credit of this practical scientist is to be given to the race from which he sprang and how much to the social environment of his professional career. (In the ruins of Pompeii, destroyed in 79 A.D., have been recovered some two hundred kinds of surgical instrument, and in the later Empire certain departments of surgery developed to a degree not surpassed till the sixteenth century.) If it is too much to say that the Roman environment is responsible for Galen's achievements, we can at least say that it was characteristic of the Roman people to welcome such science as his, capable of demonstrating its utility.

Dioscorides was also a Greek who, long resident at Rome, applied his science in practice. He knew six hundred different plants, one hundred more than Theophrastus. The latter laid much stress, as we have seen in the preceding chapter, on the medicinal properties of plants, but in this respect he was outdone by Dioscorides (as well as by Pliny). Theophrastus was the founder of the science of botany, Dioscorides the founder of materia medica.

Quintilian, born in Spain, spent the greater part of his life as a teacher of rhetoric in Rome. He valued the sciences, not on their own account, but as they might subserve the purposes of the orator. Music, astronomy, logic, and even theology, might be exploited as aids to public speech. In the time of Quintilian (first century A.D.), as in our own, oratory was considered one of the great factors in a young man's success; mock debating contests were frequent, and the periods of the future orators reverberated among the seven hills of Rome. To him our schools are also indebted for the method of teaching foreign languages by declensions, conjugations, vocabularies, formal rhetoric and annotations. He considered ethics the most valuable part of philosophy.

In fact, it would not be pressing our argument unduly to say that, so far as the minds of the Romans turned to speculation, it was the tendency to practical philosophy—Epicureanism or Stoicism—that was most characteristic. This was true even of Lucretius (98-55 B.C.), author of the noble poem concerning the Nature of Things (De Rerum Natura). In this work he writes under the inspiration of Greek philosophy. His model was a poem by Empedocles on Nature, the grand hexameters of which had fascinated the Roman poet. The distinctive feature of the work of Lucretius is the purpose, ethical rather than speculative, to curb the ambition, passion, luxury of those hard pagan times, and likewise to free the souls of his countrymen from the fear of the gods and the fear of death, and to replace superstition by peace of mind and purity of heart.

From the work on Physical Science (Quæstionum Naturalium, Libri Septem) of Seneca, the tutor of Nero, we learn that the Romans made use of globes filled with water as magnifiers, employed hothouses in their highly developed horticulture, and observed the refraction of colors by the prism. At the same time the book contains interesting conjectures in reference to the relation of earthquakes and volcanoes, and to the fact that comets travel in fixed orbits. In the main, however, this work is an attempt to find a basis for ethics in natural phenomena. Seneca was a Stoic, as Lucretius was an Epicurean, moralist.

When we glance back at the culture, or cultures, of the great peoples of antiquity, Egyptian, Babylonian, Greek, and Roman, that which had its center on the banks of the Tiber offers the closest analogy to our own. Among English-speaking peoples as among the Romans there is noticeable a certain contempt for scientific studies strangely mingled with an inclination to exploit all theory in the interest of immediate application. An English author, writing in 1834, remarks that the Romans, eminent in war, in polite literature, and civil policy, showed at all times a remarkable indisposition to the pursuit of mathematical and physical science. Geometry and astronomy, so highly esteemed by the Greeks, were not merely disregarded by the Italians, but even considered beneath the attention of a man of good birth and liberal education; they were imagined to partake of a mechanical, and therefore servile, character. "The results were seen to be made use of by the mechanical artist, and the abstract principles were therefore supposed to be, as it were, contaminated by his touch. This unfortunate peculiarity in the taste of his countrymen is remarked by Cicero. And it may not be irrelevant to inquire, whether similar prejudices do not prevail to some extent even among ourselves." To Americans also must be attributed an impatience of theory as theory, and a predominant interest in the applications of science.