[31] Like most of the Peelites, Mr. Gladstone was not proof against a certain air of over-righteous condescension and patronage. Even in the ’sixties he notes in his diary that, meeting Disraeli at a time of trial, he extended his hand, which was “kindly accepted.” But he honestly admired his gifts, and in 1859 generously disdained to “bargain” him “out of the saddle.”
[32] Not only convictions, but tactics also. Mr. Gladstone often blamed actions in others which he afterwards adopted; Disraeli never did. I subjoin a few instances. In 1852 he blamed Disraeli’s budget-proposal for repealing half the malt tax; he himself afterwards repealed the whole. In 1867 he blamed Disraeli’s first introduction of the Reform Act by resolutions; next year he did the same with his Irish Church Bill. In 1869 he severely blamed Disraeli for resigning without meeting Parliament; in 1874 he himself followed suit.
[33] Some of the best in his earliest speeches are derived from “Don Quixote.”
[34] Letters to the Whigs, The Press, May 7, 1853.
[35] Letters to the Whigs, The Press, May 14, 1853.
[36] Disraeli always insisted on the indispensability of the party system. As he pointed out of Bolingbroke, so in his own case, the idea of a “national” party had to be accommodated to conservatism. Gladstone, too, said of Peel, in 1846, that “to abjure party was impossible” (Morley, i. 295; cf. Disraeli’s Life of Lord George Bentinck, p. 224). After repeal was carried, Peel gave great offence to his followers—and especially to Mr. Gladstone—by singling out its illustrious and original champion for praise.
[37] “As for the Irish bill on which he had turned Peel out, it was one of the worst of all coercion bills; Peel, with 117 followers, evidently could not have carried on the Government, and what sense could there have been in voting for a bad bill in order to retain in office an impossible Ministry?”—He might have added that the bill—supported some months earlier by Lord John and Lord G. Bentinck—under protest as only excusable through urgency, was delayed by Peel to carry the repeal, until its necessity had vanished.
[38] He said (1846): “... It was no wonder they (the Protectionists) regarded themselves as betrayed, and unfortunately it had been the fate of Sir R. Peel to perform the same operation twice.” From the party standpoint there was abundant justification. Gladstone in old age declared that “Disraeli’s brilliant philippics surpassed even their reputation, and that, under their lash, Peel sat powerless.” Cf. Morley’s “Gladstone,” i. 296, iii. 465. “Dealt with them with a kind of righteous dulness”—“The Protectionist secession due to three men. Derby contributed prestige; Bentinck backbone; and Dizzy parliamentary brains.” The real fault found with Disraeli by his enemies (but afterwards) was that he “did not care a straw” for Protection. The reader must judge after my two next chapters.
[39] It was a sail, however, that could not bear being crossed by contrary winds. From youth upwards Gladstone could never brook opposition.
[40] In 1831 Sir Henry Bulwer—teste Mr. Frederick Greenwood—was asked by his famous brother to meet his marvellous new friend at dinner. The company was all young, ambitious, and able; yet all agreed that their master was “the man in the green trousers.” Perhaps they were not quite so green as Sir Henry’s recollection painted them.