The resemblance between the Gipsy and the Hindoo sacrifice is close and striking in their general bearings. The Hindoo sacrificer is typified in the horse, and his sins are ascertained and described by the motions or movements of the animal; for if the horse is very docile and tame, and of its own accord comes to the Hindoo celebrator of the sacrifice, his merits are then infinite, and extremely acceptable to the Deity worshipped. In the Gipsy sacrifice, if the horse is in like manner quiet, and easily caught, the woman, whom it represents, is then comparatively innocent. In India, part of the flesh of the horse was eaten: among the Gipsies, the heart is eaten. The Hindoos sacrificed their enemies, by substituting for them a buffalo, &c.: the Gipsies sacrifice their unfaithful wives, by the substitute of a horse. In the Hindoo sacrifice, particular parts of the horse allegorically represent certain parts of the earth: at certain parts of the horse, (the corners, as the Gipsies call them,) the Gipsies, in their circuit round the animal, halt, and utter particular sentences in their own language, as if these parts were of more importance, and had more influence, than the other parts. And it is probable that, in these sentences, some invisible agency was addressed and invoked by the Gipsies.
As the Aswamedha, or sacrifice of the horse, was the most important of all the religious ceremonies of every caste of Hindoos, in ancient India, so it would be the last to be forgotten by the wandering Gipsies. And as both sacrificed at twelve o’clock, noon, I am inclined to believe that both offered their sacrifice to the sun, the animating soul of universal nature. As already stated, the Gipsies, while travelling, assume new names every morning before setting out; but when noon-tide arrives, they resume their permanent English ones. This custom is practised daily, and has undoubtedly also some reference to the sun. By the account of the Gipsy already mentioned, the horse must, if possible, be killed at noon. According to Southey, in his curse of Kehamah, the sacrifice of the horse in India was performed at the same time. Colonel Tod, in his history of India, says: “The sacrifice of the horse is the most imposing, and the earliest, heathenish rite on record, and was dedicated to the sun, anciently, in India.” According to the same author, the horse in India must be milk-white, with particular marks upon it. The Gipsy’s horse to be sacrificed must be sound, and without blemish; but no particular colour is mentioned. According to Halhed, the horse sacrificed in India was also without blemish.
I have, perhaps, been too minute and tedious in describing these rites and ceremonies of the Gentoos; but the singular fact that our Scottish Tinklers yet—at least till very lately—retained the important fragments of the ancient mythology of the Pagan tribes of Hindostan, is offered as an apology to the curious reader for the trouble of perusing the details. I shall only add, that there appears to be nearly as great a resemblance between the sacrifices of the Gipsies and the ancient Hindoos, as there is affinity between modern Hindostanee and the language of the Gipsies in Scotland, at the present day, as will be seen in the [following chapter].
[168] There is one word in the Gipsy language to which is attached more importance than to any other thing whatever—Lácha—the corporeal chastity of woman; the loss of which she is, from childhood, taught to dread. To ensure its preservation, the mother will have occasion to the Diclé—a kind of drapery which she ties around the daughter; and which is never removed, but continually inspected, till the day of marriage; but not for fear of the “stranger” or the “white blood.” A girl is generally betrothed at fourteen, and never married till two years afterward. Betrothal is invariable. But the parties are never permitted, previous to marriage, to have any intimate associations together.—Borrow on the Spanish Gipsies.—Ed.
[169]A GIPSY MULTIPLICATION TABLE.
| Births of Children. | Marriages. | Births of Grand- children. | 1 | ||||||||||||
| 1822, Oct. 1. | 1842 | 1843, Jul. | 1 | 2 | |||||||||||
| 1824, Jan. 1. | 1844 | 1844, Oct. | 1 | 1 | 3 | ||||||||||
| 1825, Apl. 1. | 1845 | 1846, Jan. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 4 | |||||||||
| 1826, Jul. 1. | 1846 | 1847, Ap. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 5 | ||||||||
| 1827, Oct. 1. | 1847 | 1848, Jul | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 6 | |||||||
| 1829, Jan. 1. | 1849 | 1849, Oct. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 7 | ||||||
| 1830, Apl. 1. | 1850 | 1851, Jan. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 8 | |||||
| 1831, Jul. 1. | 1851 | 1852, Ap. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 9 | ||||
| 1832, Oct. 1. | 1852 | 1853, Jul. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 10 | |||
| 1834, Jan. 1. | 1854 | 1854, Oct. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 11 | ||
| 1835, Apl. 1. | 1855 | 1856, Jan. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 12 | |
| 1836, Jul. 1. | 1856 | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | Total. | |
| 12 | 11 | 10 | 9 | 8 | 7 | 6 | 5 | 4 | 3 | 2 | 1 | 0 | 78 | ||
The above table will give a general idea of the natural encrease of the Gipsies. The reader can make what allowances he pleases, for ages at time of marriage, intervals between births, twins, deaths, or numbers of children born. By this table, the Gipsy, by marrying at twenty years of age, would, when 54 years old, have a “following” of no less than 78 souls. “There is one of the divine laws,” said I to a Gipsy, “which the Gipsies obey more than any other people.” “What is that?” replied he, with great gravity. “The command to ‘Be fruitful, and multiply, and replenish (but not subdue) the earth.’” Even five generations can be obtained from the male, and six from the female Gipsy, in a century, counting from first-born to first-born. The reader will notice how large are the Gipsy families incidentally mentioned by our author.—Ed.
[170] Major Archer says that this law is still in force.
[171] “I was soon tired,” says Park, “and had retired into my tent. When I was sitting, almost asleep, an old woman entered with a wooden bowl in her hand, and signified that she had brought me a present from the bride. Before I could recover from the surprise which this message created, the woman discharged the contents of the bowl full in my face. Finding that it was the same sort of holy water with which, among the Hottentots, a priest is said to sprinkle a new-married couple, I began to suspect that the lady was actuated by mischief or malice; but she gave me seriously to understand that it was a nuptial benediction from the bride’s own person; and which, on such occasions, is always received by the young unmarried Moors, as a mark of distinguished favour. This being the case, I wiped my face, and sent my acknowledgment to the lady.”—Park’s Travels, pages 205 and 206.