The Society is not connected with any other organization. It is governed entirely by its own membership and has no connection with the Indian Bureau or the Government. Indians and their friends of every shade of opinion are members.

The Society of American Indians seeks to bring about better conditions so that the Indian may develop normally as an American people in America. The Society has asserted that it believes that the full response to the duties of life is more important than constant demands for rights; for with the performance of duties, rights will come as a matter of course. The Society thus seeks to urge the Indian to avail himself of every opportunity to learn the ways of “civilized” life, in order that he may become able to compete and cooperate successfully with other men. The members believe Indian progress depends upon awakening the abilities of every individual Indian to the realization of personal responsibility, for self, for race and for country, and the duty of responding to the call to activity. When the nation remedies the laws now hindering Indian progress, work, thrift, education and clean morals will then secure for the Indian all the rights that may be given a man and a citizen.

The Society is not an organization devoted to complaining. Its aim is to suggest and bring about better conditions wherein the old evils cannot exist. The Society does not seek to continually fight over local matters; it does seek to abolish the cause of the misery and the disability of the race. It strikes at the root of evil, yet it does not ignore the individual case of injustice. Nearly one hundred applications each month come from Indians asking legal information.

The annual platform adopted by the Denver Conference and reaffirmed at the Wisconsin University Conference in 1914 demands: First, the passage of the Carter Code Bill, by which a commission will draft a codified law, recommend new legislation and the abolition of laws no longer operative; and the establishment of the definite status of every tribe, band or group of Indians in the United States. The Indian cannot progress until he knows his legal status and how he may advance from a lower to a higher civic status; Second, the Society demands the passage of the amended Stephens Bill, through which the Indians may place their claims directly in the Court of Claims without specific permission of Congress in each instance. Indian progress will be retarded as long as real or fancied claims against the Government are unsettled; Third, the Society asks that the tribal funds be apportioned to each individual’s personal account, so that each Indian may know exactly what the nation holds in trust for him. Individual effort and progress will come with an awakened interest in personal resources and personal property, as opposed to bulk holdings; Fourth, better educational advantages and better sanitary protection are demanded. An ignorant and a sick race cannot be an efficient, useful race. Wisdom, health and thrift will bring to the red man the greater rights he craves.

The Society publishes a Quarterly Journal of unique interest. It contains contributions from the pens of Indians who have the true welfare of the race at heart, and from friends of the red man who have a constructive message. All shades of thought are given. The discussion is open, free and earnest. The editorial board consists of five Indians who are university graduates. The editor-general is connected officially with the University of the State of New York. The Quarterly Journal is a high-grade publication, and is an epoch-making departure in the history of the race.

There are three general classes of membership, Active, Associate, and Junior. Active members are persons of Indian blood; Associates are persons not Indians; Juniors are persons less than twenty-one years of age.

Each year a national conference is held at some convenient point, and in connection with some great university. Four successful conferences have been held. Each has been of great importance to the Indian race and has assisted materially in bringing the Indian problem to a point where it is nearer solution.

The old-time, non-English-speaking Indian was reverent towards the “unknown” or mystery. He did not blaspheme. “Why do the white men ask the Great Spirit to curse them so often?” This was uttered by a pagan, White Head, a Cheyenne chief, in the presence of Col. Carrington at Fort Phil Kearney in 1866.

There were a vast number of good traits in the old Indian and we must not overlook them. Mr. Wright (page [314]) has referred to theft. They stole from other tribes—that was proper—but not from each other. Frankness was a trait everywhere apparent, and Indians spoke their minds freely. Deceit was for the enemy—deceit as to trail, purpose, trade and so forth. Among themselves (in the tribe) there was no such thing as trickery. Exaggerations were indulged in by story-tellers, of course. But such deceit as white people practice upon each other was unknown in the olden days.

All the writers, past and present, agree that the bulk of our Indians were governed by certain moral codes. There never was a real degenerate among Indians, until white people came among them. In all our efforts to uplift the Indian during the present crucial transition period, we should encourage those good qualities (even though they be tinged with superstition). We should build upon the natural foundation of Indian character. If we utterly destroy the past, we cannot save the Indian.